Trafficking Neg – BFJR – 7wk
banks that have released helb 2017 - What does their plan do?It’s not clear. But, that should be to your advantage because of the quality of the negative evidence that says that economics must be an EXPLICIT focus of EE.
The closest thing to an objective referent for interpreting the plan is their Garza evidence.
Prosecution, protecting victims and prevention measures
Garza 11– JD Candidate – Aff solvency evidence
(Rocio, “Addressing Human Trafficking Along the United States-Mexico Border: The Need for a Bilateral Partnership,” http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//BB
Victims on both sides of the United States-Mexico border ¶ would greatly benefit from improvements to both countries’ laws ¶ and their implementation. Regardless, the United States and ¶ Mexico can accomplish much more if they join efforts and ¶ collaborate in a formal bilateral partnership that takes into ¶ account the internal and external factors¶ that make human ¶ trafficking possible. A bilateral partnership would ensure that ¶ both countries’ interests are represented in any solution to ¶ eradicate human trafficking. It could be beneficial in prosecuting¶ traffickers, protecting victims, and putting preventative measures ¶ in place.
Information sharing
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| Trafficking Neg – BFJR – 7wk |
Garza 11– JD Candidate – Aff solvency evidence
(Rocio, “Addressing Human Trafficking Along the United States-Mexico Border: The Need for a Bilateral Partnership,” http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//BB
A formal bilateral partnership could allow the United States ¶ and Mexico to share information about traffickers, which could ¶ lead to more prosecutions. Currently, if in the course of an ¶ investigation, a U.S. prosecutor believes that a trafficker returned ¶ to Mexico, the prosecutor may either petition for extradition or ¶ submit a request for the Mexican government to prosecute the ¶ accused in Mexico.244 Generally, Mexican President Calderon ¶ cooperates with the United States in extraditing criminals.245
Training US customs and border patrol
Garza 11– JD Candidate – Aff solvency evidence
(Rocio, “Addressing Human Trafficking Along the United States-Mexico Border: The Need for a Bilateral Partnership,” http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//BB
A bilateral partnership could be formed between U.S. ¶ Customs and Border Protection agents and Mexican customs ¶officials in order to create better strategies to identify human ¶ trafficking victims at the shared border. Although most ¶ immigrants agree to be smuggled, others are abducted and taken ¶ against their will.249 When these immigrants are intercepted at the ¶ border, they are often confused with smugglers and the people ¶ they are smuggling and not recognized as victims.2¶ Having a ¶ bilateral partnership could ensure that these issues come to light ¶ and that proper training is provided to U.S. Customs and Border¶ Protection agents in order to prevent them from simply deporting ¶ victims or sending them back to their traffickers. Even if ¶ immigrants have consented to being smuggled, U.S. agents may be ¶ able to identify the signs of human trafficking if information is ¶ shared across the border. Suspected victims of human trafficking ¶ could be turned over to Mexican customs officials for further ¶ investigation and possible legal aid and protection.
Public service announcements
Garza 11– JD Candidate – Aff solvency evidence
(Rocio, “Addressing Human Trafficking Along the United States-Mexico Border: The Need for a Bilateral Partnership,” http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//BB
One of the ways in which the United States can leverage its ¶ resources is by partnering with Mexico in order to continue raising¶ awareness about the dangers of human trafficking and how ¶ smuggling can easily lead to trafficking. In addition, a partnership ¶ would send a message to both countries about the seriousness of ¶ the crime and the urgent need to address it together. In a ¶ partnership between U.S. and Mexican representatives, they ¶ would be able to strategize to develop viable alternatives to ¶ prevent illegal immigration, given that most victims are vulnerable ¶ due to a lack of economic alternatives. Furthermore, through a ¶ partnership, the United States and Mexico could develop joint and ¶ more informed awareness campaignsto warn their citizens about ¶ the dangers and criminal consequences of engaging in human ¶ trafficking.
Useful Evidence
Human rights engagement is not economic
Rose & Spiegel ’08 (Andrew K. Rose and Mark M. Spiegel, Non-Economic Engagement and International Exchange The Case of Environmental Treaties, July 17, 2008, http://faculty.haas.berkeley.edu/arose/RepRev.pdf, BG)
Countries, like people, interact with each other on a number of different dimensions. Some interactions are strictly economic; for instance, countries engage in international trade of goods, services, capital, and labor. But many are not economic, at least not in any narrow sense. For instance, the United States seeks to promote human rights and democracy, deter nuclear proliferation, stop the spread of narcotics, and so forth. Accordingly America, like othercountries, participates in a number of international institutions to further its foreign policy objectives; it has joined security alliances like NATO, and international organizations such as the International Atomic Energy Agency. In this paper, we concentrate on the interesting and under- studied case of international environmental arrangements (IEAS). We ask whether participation in such non-economic partnerships tends to enhance international economic relations. The answer, in both theory and practice, is positive.
Contextual evidence that the aff is HR engagement
ERI 13
(Earth Rights International, “Equitas International Human Rights Training Program,” http://www.earthrightsalumni.org/content/equitas-international-human-rights-training-program)//BB
During the regional discussions held as part of the training, I learned that many Asian countries are facing similar challenges with immigration, human trafficking, women’s and children’s rights. If we face these kinds of problems together, how can we also work together and utilize international human rights instruments to solve these problems? There are many actions that can be taken; there is not only one way. Concerning migrant workers, for example, one way to address some of the problems is to submit reports to the International Labor Organization (ILO) or to the ICCPR, ICESCR or the CEDAW Committees concerning instruments that the Thai government has ratified.¶ Regarding human rights engagement to improve the migrant situation in Thailand and in the ASEAN region, I suggest to the government of Canada, that they continue to support migrant worker human rights educational activities. Especially, I ask that they focus on the migrant workers from Myanmar, as this group often lacks knowledge about human rights in general, labor rights and civil and political rights. I would also like to suggest to the Canadian government to put pressure on the Burmese government to implement a real democratic administration in Myanmar and to demand from Burmese authorities that they respect human rights in their country.
Assistance for trafficking is “human rights engagement”
Wikileaks 9
(Leaked USAID Cable Transfer, “UZBEKISTAN INDICATES AREAS WHERE HUMAN RIGHTS PROGRESS IS POSSIBLE,” http://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09TASHKENT395_a.html)//BB
9. (SBU) While Uzbek officials did not accept all recommendations ¶ made by UNHR member states at the UPR, they accepted several ¶ substantive recommendations in key human rights areas. In the ¶ process, the government publicly admitted (well-publicized) ¶ deficiencies in its human rights record and committed itself to ¶ making improvements over the next four years. The UPR report¶ provides an opening for international interlocutors to engage the ¶ government in those key areas, including combating child labor; ¶ improving prison conditions; curbing abuses (including torture) ¶ committed by law enforcement; continuing efforts to address human¶ trafficking; deepening cooperation with international human rights ¶ organizations; and increasing protections for vulnerable ¶ populations, including women, refugees, and persons with ¶ disabilities. ¶ 10. (SBU) We should also take the opportunity to urge the Uzbeks ¶ to accept several of the recommendations that it promised to ¶ "consider and study," including joining the Optional Protocol to ¶ the Convention against Torture (OP-CAT), adopting the UN Convention ¶ on Refugees, and inviting thematic Special Rapporteurs to visit ¶ Uzbekistan, all of which would mark steps forward. The United¶ States should continue to focus our human rights engagement with ¶ the Uzbeks in the key areas outlined above, including through¶ high-level official visits to Tashkent and offers of assistance, ¶ and encourage other international actors to do likewise. At the ¶ same time, we will continue to urge the government to fully ¶ implement legal reforms. Substantive progress on human rights in ¶ Uzbekistan is likely to take patience and a long-term commitment, ¶ but slow progress is better than none at all. Engagement is much ¶ more likely to produce results than sanctions and isolation. ¶ NORLAND
Establishing a bilateral partnership is not economic engagement
Haass 2k – PhD in Philosophy @ Oxford, Director of Foreign Policy Studies, Brookings
Robert N., Survival, Vol 42, no. 2, Summer, p. 114-5
Architects of engagement strategies can choose from a wide variety of incentives. Economic engagement might offer tangible incentives such as export credits, investment insurance or promotion, access to technology, loans or economic aid. Other equally useful economic incentives involve the removal of penalties such as trade embargoes, investment bans or high tariffs, which have impeded economic relations between the United States and the target country. Facilitated entry into the global economic arena and the institutions that govern it rank among the most potent incentives in today’s global market. Similarly, political engagement can involve the lure of diplomatic recognition, access to regional or international institutions, the scheduling of summits between leaders – or the termination of these benefits. Military engagement could¶ involve the extension of international military educational training in order¶ both to strengthen respect for civilian authority and human rights among a¶ country’s armed forces and, more feasibly, to establish relationships between¶ Americans and young foreign military officers. While these areas of engagement¶ are likely to involve working with state institutions, cultural or civil-society¶ engagement entails building people-to-people contacts. Funding nongovernmental organisations, facilitating the flow of remittances and promoting¶ the exchange of students, tourists and other non-governmental people between¶ countries are just some of the possible incentives used in the form of¶ engagement.
Not Trade
Human trafficking efforts involve limits to trade to decrease incentives and roads for trafficking
Brown et al. 11– Drusilla Brown is the Associate Professor of Economics and Director of Tufts International Relations Program; her expertise includes Applied General Equilibrium Models, International Trade Policy, International Labor Standards, Child Labor; Ph.D. University of Michigan, M.A. University of Michigan, B.A. Indiana University **AND Alan Deardorff is the John W. Sweetland Professor of International Economics and a Professor of Economics and Public Policy at the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. He is also the Associate Dean at the Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy. Former Chair of the Economics Department, Professor Deardorff received his Ph.D. in Economics from Cornell University ***AND Robert Stern is the Professor of Economics and Public Policy at Umich (Drusilla, Alan, Robert, “Labor Standards and Human Rights: Implications for International Trade and Investment”, 8/19/11, International Policy Center, http://ipc.umich.edu/working-papers/pdfs/ipc-119-brown-deardorff-stern-labor-standards-human-rights-international-trade-investment.pdf)//AY
Forced Labor and Human Trafficking.16 Human trafficking typically involves kidnapping, inducing workers to migrate based on false pretenses, or physically preventing workers from abrogating a labor contract. The most egregious cases involve trafficking of women or children into sex slavery. Less horrific but still a violation of labor and human rights are the cases of migrant workers who do not control their travel documents, working papers, or residency permits. Such restrictions on the freedom of movement are a violation of the core labor standard prohibiting forced labor Clearly, violations related to forced labor arise due to a governmental failure to protect each individual’s property-rights claim to her or his own body. Domestic legal structures that permit forced labor generate a transfer from the individual to the trafficker and incidentally exert downward pressure on wages and employment opportunities for workers with fully protected property rights. Following Srinivasan,17 human-rights activists may attempt to transfer wealth to a government that is failing to protect property rights or buy the right to the worker from the trafficker. However, in both cases, the use of a positive transfer provides a perverse incentive to increase trafficking in order to elicit a larger payment from the human- rights activist. A negative penalty attached to the failure to prohibit trafficked/forced labor, such as a refusal to trade in goods produced with trafficked/forced labor, provides a well-targeted tax on the human rights violation (see Srinivasan,1998).18
Limiting movement is the opposite of T
Huckerby and Gu 10 - *Jennifer, Adjunct Assistant Professor of Clinical Law and Research Director of the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice @ NYU, **April, International Human Rights Clinic
(“Beyond Borders: Exploring Links Between Trafficking, Globalization and Security, http://www.gaatw.org/publications/WP_on_Globalisation.pdf)//BB
While many features of globalisation wear down economic, cultural, and social¶ borders, many governments have simultaneously tightened their border security¶ to limit who can legally enter their country.158 This creates an inherent tension¶ between globalisation and security policies: while globalisation and trade¶ liberalisation increase the “push” and “pull” factors for workers to migrate,¶ security policies limit that movement. Similarly, while globalisation emphasises¶ the increased opportunities for social and cultural interaction among global¶ citizens, security policies rely on, and perpetuate, a fear of non-citizens,¶ “foreigners”, or “outsiders” as threats to a nation’s borders and social and¶ cultural cohesion. This can lead to a number of practices within a nation’s¶ territory (e.g. racial profiling and arbitrary detention) but can also lead to a¶ focus on “increased border security, migration controls, and international law¶enforcement co-operation” to secure the State from those outside its borders¶(e.g. undocumented migrants).159
Not Solely, Not Economic
Human trafficking may influence trade but it is a non-economicact
WTO 7– organization that intends to supervise and liberalize international trade; deals with regulation of trade between participating countries; it provides a framework for negotiating and formalizing trade agreements, and a dispute resolution process aimed at enforcing participants' adherence to WTO agreements, which are signed by representatives of member governments and ratified by their parliaments (World Trade Organization, “World Trade Report 2007”, 2007, http://www.wto.org/english/res_e/booksp_e/anrep_e/wtr07-2b_e.pdf)//AY
The third cluster of trade agreement motivations can be called the “ideational route”. According to scholars in this cluster, it is non-economic, normative objectives that guide the actions of trade policy decision-makers. In so far as economic or power rationales cannot satisfactorily explain why child, slave and prison labour, human trafficking, or dealing with drugs are repugnant concepts, economic thinking cannot fully explain why trade agreements are concluded. Basic civilizing norms and values, age-old traditions, a collective sense of history and humanity, and other ideational factors inspire influential individuals, pivotal groups, and states as a whole to conclude trade agreements. As was pointed out in subsection 5 above, ideational factors motivate countries to welcome even small and economically insignificant countries into the circle of participants. Non-economic objectives for contracting parties play a crucial role in the legal approaches termed external and global constitutionalism. In the realm of IR literature, ideational elements can be found in neoliberal institutionalism, hegemonic stability theory, and idealism, but especially in weakly and strongly cognitivist schools of constructivism.
Economics K
1nc
The 1ac’s econo-centric approach forces a DEVELOPMENTAL approach to anti-trafficking – crowds out PRODUCTIVE policies because of the over-emphasis on poverty
Molland 12 – PhD in Anthropology, Lecturer in Anthropology (Development Studies) @ ANU
(Sverre, “The Inexorable Quest for Trafficking Hotspots along the Thai-Lao Border,” in Labor Migration and Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia: Critical Perspectives, p. 60-62)//BB
As human trafficking is defined retrospectively, since trafficking is manifest only when a migrant faces exploitation (Shangera 2005), it becomes extremely difficult from the standpoint of a village community to make distinctions between labour migration and human trafficking. One of the criteria used by several anti-trafficking projects in determining where anti-trafficking activities are to be implemented was the prevalence of migration in village communities, In other words, in identifying spots deemed to be hot', the emphasis was placed squarely on out-migration (as opposed to labour exploitation itself), Although some anti-trafficking programmes were keenly aware of the difficulty m equating labour migration with human trafficking (eg IINIAP el al 2004), others were less willing or able to recognize this distinction (cf, Phetsiriseng 2001) Hence, in the first few years of Lao anti-trafficking programming there was a tenacious interest in defining what is ‘hot’ in order to domesticate spots.¶ The criteria for determining what constitutes spots were applied uncritically and liberally to anything from villages with high levels of migration to communities with endemic poverty - a tendency that was reinforced by the Lao Government's own priorities. Combating trafficking fits within the Government's overall poverty reduction strategy (Lao People's Democratic Republic n.d ) It is common for officials to equate the fight against human trafficking with rural development under the rubric of prevention . That is, they believe that by bringing development to villages they can deter labour migration to Thailand Collaborating with international organizations to combat trafficking thus coincided with two government objectives: curbing migration to Thailand and boosting rural development projects.¶ Several aid organizations happily supported this line of thinking because they were already familiar with rural development. It also allowed them to ‘combat trafficking’ without becoming embroiled in the sensitivities and the possible dangers associated with dubious forms of labour migration recruitment -1 A fact sheet from the ILO project entitled Micro-finance Interventions to Combat the Worst Forms of Child Labour including Trafficking (ILO-IPEC 2002) illustrates this trend Except for mentioning the word 'trafficking' briefly in the introduction, the rest of the document is lull of advice on 'marketing research", 'monitoring" and "enterprise development'. The actual issues of human trafficking, labour exploitation and migration are ignored.If it were not for the project title one would be at a loss to know that this was in fact a trafficking intervention'.¶ The ILO is far from alone in implementing such programmes Several aid organizations launched counter-trafficking projects which in real terms addressed problems of rural development often in combination with awareness-raising, for example, through the use of posters warning against the dangers of trafficking. In this way. what is deemed 'hot" is a mixture of the presence of migration and the lack of development in rural communities. Hotspots allow aid programmes to shape their target in terms of generic socio-economic indicators similarly (if not identically) to traditional rural poverty reduction programmes. As Laos is one of Asia's poorest countries it is not difficult to find targets for anti-trafficking interventions within such a framework. In the early days of Lao anti-traffieking interventions 'trafficking prevention' could be anything from weaving, funds for fish ponds, pig raising, building a footbridge to allow fanners easier access to farmland, vocational training, micro-finance, exports of mushrooms, funding of village schools, hairdressing courses and vaccination of chickens.1 In short, such anti-trafficking projects were (and some still are) rural development projects in disguise.¶ This type of project implementation soon came under considerable criticism within the anti-trafficking community. One of the first explicit criticisms surfaced in a field report by the IFNAP project (Imzhurg 2002) which questioned the blurring of anti-immigration and harm reduction strategies amongst anti-trafficking projects:¶ [Rural community development activities] even take organisations away from trying to understand the complexities of the trafficking situation, and push them to rely on (simplistic'') assumptions regarding the links between migration and trafficking . . . I . . . note that poverty reduction was a stated global objective years before the anti-trafficking agenda came to the forefront and that 'poverty alleviation programmes' have not always met the expectations of those who had initiated them. Designing economic interventionsthat reach those 'most at risk of being trafficked" may prove as difficult as designing interventions that reach 'the poorest of the poor'.¶ (Ginzburg 2002: 10)¶ This critique was later followed by others (Haughton 2006: Moliand 2005). There is now a growing realization within the anti-trafficking community in Laos that by¶ engaging in community development - what some anti-trafficking actors caustically label the "stay where you are approach" (Marshall and Thatun 2005) - attention is drawn away from the problem of migrant labour exploitation.¶ Several trafficking and migration-related studies conducted in Laos in recent years suggest that although human trafficking is taking place, it does so within (he context of a much larger migration pattern which is often - at least in the eyes of villagers-beneficial bom economically and socially (Caouette 1998; Phetsinseng 2001; UNIAP and Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare 2001; Wille 2001; 1LO2003; UNIAP e/a/. 2004: UNICEF and Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare 2004. Doussantousse and Keovonghit 2006). It is also difficult for projects to justify anti-trafficking activities in village communities without being able to demonstrate that their target communities are indeed prone to trafficking Although it is indeed the case that trafficking is occurring (or has occurred) in villages where anti-trafficking programmes operate, the scale and frequency varies and its documentation is opaque. Nor is there much evidence to support the assumption that poverty or lack of jobs at home necessarily has much to do with why migrants leave in the first place (Leingold 1997: Ginzburg 2002, 2004: Muttarak 2004: M aught on 2006; Rigg 2006; I luijsmans 2007), or why some end up in exploitive situations.
The impact is cultural extinction
Escobar 95 - Distinguished Professor of Anthropology, UNC-Chapel Hill
(Arturo, “Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World,” pg. 52-54)//BB
The crucial threshold and transformation that took place in the early post– World War II period discussed in this chapter were the result not of a radical epistemological or political breakthrough but of the reorganization of a number of factors that allowed the Third World to display a new visibility and to irrupt into a new realm of language. This new space was carved out of the vast and dense surface of the Third World, placing it in a field of power. Underdevelopment became the subject of political technologies that sought to erase it from the face of the Earth but that ended up, instead, multiplying it to infinity.¶ Development fostered a way of conceiving of social life as a technical problem, as a matter of rational decision and management to be entrusted to that group of people—the development professionals—whose specialized knowledge allegedly qualified them for the task. Instead of seeing change as a process rooted in the interpretation of each society's history and cultural tradition—as a number of intellectuals in various parts of the Third World had attempted to do in the 1920s and 1930s (Gandhi being the best known of them)—these professionals sought to devise mechanisms and procedures to make societies fit a preexisting model that embodied the structures and functions of modernity. Like sorcerers' apprentices, the development professionals awakened once again the dream of reason that, in their hands, as in earlier instances, produced a troubling reality.¶ At times, development grew to be so important for Third World countries that it became acceptable for their rulers to subject their populations to an infinite variety of interventions, to more encompassing forms of power and systems of control; so important that First and Third World elites accepted the price of massive impoverishment, of selling Third World resources to the most convenient bidder, of degrading their physical and human ecologies, of killing and torturing, of condemning their indigenous populations to near extinction; so important that many in the Third World began to think of themselves as inferior, underdeveloped, and ignorant and to doubt the value of their own culture, deciding instead to pledge allegiance to the banners of reason and progress; so important, finally, that the achievement of development clouded the awareness of the impossibility of fulfilling the promises that development seemed to be making.¶ After four decades of this discourse, most forms of understanding and representing the Third World are still dictated by the same basic tenets. The forms of power that have appeared act not so much by repression but by normalization; not by ignorance but by controlled knowledge; not by humanitarian concern but by the bureaucratization of social action.As the conditions that gave rise to development became more pressing, it could only increase its hold, refine its methods, and extend its reach even further. That the materiality of these conditions is not conjured up by an “objective” body of knowledge but is charted out by the rational discourses of economists, politicians, and development experts of all types should already be clear. What has been achieved is a specific configuration of factors and forces in which the new language of development finds support. As a discourse, development is thus a very real historical formation, albeit articulated around an artificial construct (underdevelopment) and upon a certain materiality (the conditions baptized as underdevelopment), which must be conceptualized in different ways if the power of the development discourse is to be challenged or displaced.¶ To be sure, there is a situation of economic exploitation that must be recognized and dealt with. Power is too cynical at the level of exploitation and should be resisted on its own terms. There is also a certain materiality of life conditions that is extremely preoccupying and that requires great effort and attention. But those seeking to understand the Third World through development have long lost sight of this materiality by building upon it a reality that like a castle in the air has haunted us for decades. Understanding the history of the investment of the Third World by Western forms of knowledge and power is a way to shift the ground somewhat so that we can start to look at that materiality with different eyes and in different categories.¶ The coherence of effects that the development discourse achieved is the key to its success as a hegemonic form of representation: the construction of the poor and underdeveloped as universal, preconstituted subjects, based on the privilege of the representers; the exercise of power over the Third World made possible by this discursive homogenization (which entails the erasure of the complexity and diversity of Third World peoples, so that a squatter in Mexico City, a Nepalese peasant, and a Tuareg nomad become equivalent to each other as poor and underdeveloped); and the colonization and domination of the natural and human ecologies and economies of the Third World. 26¶ Developmentassumes a teleology to the extent that it proposes that the “natives” will sooner or later be reformed; at the same time, however, it reproduces endlessly the separation between reformers and those to be reformed by keeping alive the premise of the Third World as different and inferior, as having a limited humanity in relation to the accomplished European. Development relies on this perpetual recognition and disavowal of difference, a feature identified by Bhabha (1990) as inherent to discrimination. The signifiers of “poverty”, “illiteracy,” “hunger,” and so forth have already achieved a fixity as signifieds of “underdevelopment” which seems impossible to sunder. Perhaps no other factor has contributed to cementing the association of “poverty” with “underdevelopment” as the discourse of economists. To them I dedicate the coming chapter.
Independently, their economic frame treats trafficked persons as AGENTLESS PINBALLS in neo-classical economic system – turns case
Shah 11 - Assistant Professor, Women, Gender, Sexuality Studies, University of Massachusetts, Amherst
(Svati, “Trafficking and the Conflation with Sex Work: Implications for HIV Prevention and Control,” Working Paper for the Third Meeting of the Technical Advisory Group of the Global Commission on HIV and the Law, http://www.hivlawcommission.org/index.php/working-papers?task=document.viewdoc&id=100)//BB
Discourses on human trafficking that have focused on prostitution and ‘sexual exploitation’ have had a vexed relationship¶ with the question of poverty. This relationship bears noting here because the primary contemporary meaning of the ¶ term ‘exploitation’ comes from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’ work on class, a point that will be elaborated below. If ¶ ‘exploitation’ references the denial of access to the full value of one’s own labour, then a discussion of poverty in relation ¶ to this term is required here, since ‘sexual exploitation’ is used so frequently in conjunction with prostitution within ¶ the dominant discourse on human trafficking. Within this discourse, it is sometimes difficult to assess exactly what ¶ ‘sexual exploitation’ refers to. The phrase is generally used in two ways. It is used to denote intermediaries between the ¶ person selling sexual services and the client of those services, e.g. landlords, pimps, brothel keepers, smugglers, or any ¶ one else who profits from the selling of sexual services but does not sell these services themselves. This use of ‘sexual ¶ exploitation’ refers to the lack of access that people selling sexual services – primarily figured as women – have to the ¶ full value of each transaction. The criminalisation of sexual commerce increases the likelihood that this form of ‘sexual ¶ exploitation’ will proliferate, as people continue to require intermediaries to provide protection from police and antitrafficking activists. The phrase ‘sexual exploitation’ is also, at times, used to denote prostitution itself, where the actual ¶ exchange of money and sex is seen to be exploitative. ‘Abolitionists’ who seek to abolish paid sex have perpetuated ¶ this latter usage. While neither of these uses are particularly helpful in explaining power and powerlessness from the ¶ perspectives of people who sell sexual services, the phrase ‘sexual exploitation’ is used prodigiously in the anti-trafficking ¶ literature, and often without clarity about which of these two meanings it is meant to deploy.¶ The language of ‘sexual exploitation’ obscures the meaning of ‘exploitation’ as linked with material deprivation – poverty, ¶ in other words. While trafficking is clearly related to economic vulnerability and the lack of economic power, discourses¶ on human trafficking have tended to conflate poverty with a generalised lack of agency, such that poverty also becomes¶ inextricable and, in some representations, co-equal with trafficking itself. This conceptual frame is problematic, because¶ it renders poverty less a structure, and more an individual characteristic of individual persons. In its most extreme form, ¶ conflating human trafficking with poverty has rendered ‘poverty’ itself as an agent of trafficking. If poverty essentially ¶ ‘traffics’ human beings into underground economic sectors, including prostitution, then poor people are necessarily¶ rendered as non-agentative beings with respect to the illegal and underground strategies for economic survival they ¶ may engage. An example of this perspective on poverty in its relationship to trafficking is to be found in the Swedish ¶ government’s 2003 report entitled “Poverty and Trafficking in Human Beings: A Strategy for Combating Trafficking ¶ in Human Beings Through Swedish International Development Cooperation.”11 In the Swedish government’s report, ¶ poverty and trafficking are linked because “[p]eople become the victims of human traffickers mainly due to inequitable ¶ resource allocation and the absence of viable sources of income. Families have no assets and incomes are inadequate. In the ¶ countryside, agriculture is less profitable than formerly and land has become increasingly scarce.”12
The alternative is to rhetorically criticize the 1ac’s economic approach to human trafficking. This is a pre-requisite to developing NON-ECONOMIC policies against human trafficking.
Tigno 12 – PhD, Associate Professor in the Political Science Department at the University of the Philippines
(Jorge, “Agency by proxy,” in Labor Migration and Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia: Critical Perspectives, Ch 1)//BB
Rarely considered in this gendered positioning of trafficking is how it impacts upon women's agency in the public arena (Caraway 2006). The discourse on trafficking within the Protocol and in numerous other sites of public policy promotes a sense of victimization that effectively 'erases the possibility of women's agency':¶ Once one is viewed as a victim, consent is compromised ... The subject position of victim robs women of voice. This in turn impoverishes debate by silencing one of the most authentic positions from which to hear, It also paternalizes the issue - creating an 'us' group that knows what is best for 'them'.¶ (Dauvergne 2008: 74)¶ As womenare treated as the direct casualties of trafficking, they are effectively deprived of their agency, which makes it difficult for them to emerge as their own advocates against injustice. Thus the Victim' identified becomes subservient to the interventions and protection of someone who knows best what is good for the trafficked woman¶ Ironically, despite the fact that this victimization narrative permeates the discourse on human trafficking in the Philippines and elsewhere, the UN Trafficking Protocol itself does not contain adequate protection mechanisms for trafficked persons: in early 2000, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights was prompted to express concern that the provisions in the Protocol concerning the protection of the rights of trafficked persons are effectively compromised by the use of the qualifier term 'in appropriate cases' which is seen to be inconsistent with existing international human rights norms.¶ An examination of the dynamics by which this process of agency construction (or denial) occurs provides a means to interpret the rhetoric that surrounds the issue of trafficking as it is played out in the Philippines. An interrogation of that rhetoric and its purpose provides a better understanding of the outcomes of public policy interventions that arise to deal with human trafficking and their impact on women's agency. For example, highlighting the health and moral dimensions of human trafficking can lead to the outright criminalization of prostitution, or to the promotion of artificial contraceptives to prevent the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, or to the creation of shelters for women who are trafficking victims. Knowing what informs these public policy interventions may help to explain why they succeed or fail, and why they produce unintended consequences.
2nc Overview
The 1ac’s economic approach to human trafficking is problematic. Three impacts:
(1) Developmental policies – viewing trafficking as an economic problem, requiring an economic solution, FORCES developmental solutions. This leads to imposition of political technologies that eradicate the periphery and devastate the environment.
(2) Agency denial – market-centrism treats traffickers and victims as rational subjects being shaped by economic factors. The impact is disempowerment of trafficked persons – turns the case
Tigno 12 – PhD, Associate Professor in the Political Science Department at the University of the Philippines
(Jorge, “Agency by proxy,” in Labor Migration and Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia: Critical Perspectives, p. 35)//BB
All in all, the anti-trafficking discourse in the Philippines attests to the furthervictimization of women where their own sense of agency is displaced and defined for them largely by the state and feminist groups. The women in the anti-trafficking narrative are both glorified and reduced to victimhood, their heroism necessarily preceded by their victimization. This displacement of migrant agency reinforces 'notions of female dependency and purity' that has the effect of marginalizingrather than empowering the women concerned (Doezema 2002 23). Ironically, the emphasis on rescue and rehabilitation has the unexpected effect of compromising women's rights. In order to address this, anti-trafficking protocols must necessarily be informed by the importance of upholding the totality of the human rights of trafficked persons to eventually make them advocates of their own welfare and empower them.
(3) Policy failure – the simplicity of econo-centrism precludes a more holistic understanding of the socio-cultural factors that influence human trafficking. An expansion of our research agenda is vital to accurately assessing need and developing adequate policy solutions.
Box 10 – MA in International Human Rights
(Heidi, “Human Trafficking and Minorities: Vulnerability Compounded by Discrimination,” http://www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/researchdigest/minority/Trafficking.pdf)//BB
Human trafficking is an extreme human rights violation that impacts all populations across ¶ the globe and is characterized by force, fraud, and coercion intended for exploitation (Palermo ¶ Protocol 2000). Currently, human trafficking research is particularly limited by non-standard ¶ terminology and a clandestine research population. While estimates of the number of trafficked ¶ persons vary widely and are notoriously unsubstantiated, we can still arrive at some conclusions ¶ regarding the overall number of trafficked persons. One low estimate suggests that in 2005, at least ¶ 2.4 million people had been trafficked into forced labor situations and approximately 12.3 million ¶ people were victims of forced labor (International Labor Organization 2005). In addition to ¶ compiling comprehensive data on the number of trafficked persons, researchers and policymakers ¶ must identify who is trafficked. Basic quantitative data on the raw numbers of trafficked persons is ¶ not enough; qualitative data is also required in order to combat this human rights violation. That is, ¶ what are the characteristics of trafficked persons; what do they have in common; and do those ¶ commonalities contribute to exploitation? ¶ Research indicates that trafficked persons are typically poor, have few job prospects, limited ¶ access to education and may come from rural areas, depending on the country of origin (Omelaniuk ¶ 2005). As a result of these disadvantages, they are often compelled to migrate within or outside of ¶ the country for better economic opportunities (Laczko and Danailova-Trainor 2009). Thus, ¶ trafficked persons may willingly travel with an “employer” based on the promise of work as a ¶ waitress, farm worker, domestic worker, or in other industries. However, upon arriving at their ¶ destination, they may be refused wages or may be forced into another job entirely. In other cases, ¶ the individuals received an advance on their salary and are then told they must work for free to repay ¶ this debt, which is commonly known as debt bondage (Bedoya et al. 2009). Another common ¶ scenario is that of children sold by their parents, or of individuals (primarily women and girls) who ¶ were kidnapped or tricked by a boyfriend or family member, then sold to traffickers (e.g., Simkhada ¶ 2008). One of the underlying themes running through each of these scenarios is the desire for ¶ economic prosperity. Although existing research easily identifies the vital role of economics in¶ human trafficking, it has failed to probe the complexrelationship between poverty, discrimination,¶ and other socio-cultural factors such as minority status. Consequently, there is a distinct lack of¶ research relating to traditionally disadvantaged groups and systemic discrimination within the body ¶ of human trafficking literature. ¶ One potentially significant, but often overlooked, criterion in anti-trafficking research is¶ minority group membership. Although there is no internationally recognized definition of ¶ minorities (Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) 2008), the United ¶ Nations (UN) commonly identifies them as “persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and ¶ linguistic minorities” (United Nations 1992). Alternatively, a definition created in 1977 by the ¶ Special Rapporteur of the UN Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection ¶ of Minorities, provides a clearer picture of what traditionally constitutes the term “minority:” A group numerically inferior to the rest of the population, in a non-dominant ¶ position, ¶ […] possessing distinct ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics and showing a ¶ sense of solidarity aimed at preserving those characteristics (OHCHR 2008).
2nc Impact – De-politicization
Their narrative of endemic poverty whitewashes Western complicity in trafficking – de-politicizes trafficking – turns the case
Howard 11 – PhD Candidate @ Oxford
(Neil, “Spinning the Threads of Poverty: Cotton Subsidies and The Political Economy of Trafficking in Southern Benin,” http://rightswork.org/2011/08/spinning-the-threads-of-poverty-cotton-subsidies-and-the-political-economy-of-trafficking-in-southern-benin/)//BB
Almost everywhere in the world, ‘poverty’ is said to be the prime ‘root cause’ of human trafficking. Pushing people to migrate, encouraging employers to exploit, in Benin, where I have been researching since 2005, poverty is officially recognized as the underlying factor explaining the emergence of the country’s apparently endemic child trafficking problem.¶ Yet something is missing. Behind such ostensibly un-problematic and widely-accepted assertions, there screams a near universally un-asked question: what causes this poverty? Though most agree that being poor basically means lacking money, the fact that some people lack money is treated by the anti-trafficking establishment as something that ‘just is’, a truth that is ‘out there’, objective but somehow formless, and thus without redress.¶ It is my contention that this must change. I believe that the empirical reality that is many Beninese households struggling to make ends meet depends on more than just chance alone. I think that it is in fact contingent on very real, very causal decisions taken by affluent people living half way around the world.¶ As such, I suggest that ‘poverty’ in Benin is not a phenomenon that ‘just is’; rather, it is a political economic consequenceof political economic choices, and is therefore something we can do something about, just as we can in turn can do something about the trafficking it is said to cause.¶ How do I arrive at this conclusion? By taking the case-study of cotton prices, and the effect that their artificial deflation as a result of US subsidies has had on the cotton-producing households with whom I research.¶ In 2003, Benin and a small group of cotton-producing African nations took a complaint to the World Trade Organization (WTO) citing massive economic evidence that US cotton subsidies reduced national and household incomes. Noting that US subsidies to 25,000 cotton conglomerates totaled three times the entire USAID budget for Africa’s 500 million people, the plaintiffs demanded the immediate cessation of subsidies and compensation for their lost national incomes. Though, in a separate case, the WTO ruled that US subsidies did indeed affect global prices, US negotiators refuted any correlation between reduced prices and lost national or household income in countries such as Benin, and placed pressure on friends and foes alike to ensure that the African initiative was ultimately dropped.¶ Over the rest of this piece, I will present evidence from my research that challenges the US position. I will suggest:¶ 1) that US claims of non-causality are false – it is demonstrably true that the effect of subsidy-reduced cotton prices is felt at the level of the farming household,¶ 2) that US subsidies have thus impoverished many vulnerable rural households, making already tight margins significantly tighter, and¶ 3) that this in turn has led to an increase in the labor migration of the young, including into work that has been classified as trafficking, and is often experienced by the young themselves as exploitative. I will make my case step by step.¶ First, regarding causality, interviews with Beninese cotton farmers and agricultural extension agents demonstrate very clearly that, while state corruption or market inefficiencies can mean that local producers are denied the fruits of higher global prices, ultimately higher prices do trickle down, since the very nature of the agricultural chain in Benin ensures as much. Octavio, the National Cotton Producers Union representative, explained the process to me. Initially, the government and private companies base their pre-harvest price for cotton farmers on close observation of international market data indicative of global price trends. Then, if prices rise, when farmers bring their harvest to the ginning factories to be weighed and receive payment, they receive a ‘windfall’ profit, representing the added difference between the pre- and post- harvest prices.¶ Honest compliance with this system is ensured by the monitoring of peasant organizations, and interviews with cotton farmers confirmed that price fluctuations are thus indeed reflected in their earnings. In fact, every farmer I interviewed identified the mid-90s as ‘when times were good’, pointing to the latter half of that decade and the early 2000s as ‘when times were bad’. It is no coincidence that this corresponds exactly to when cotton prices were last high and to the subsequent onset of global price depression and the activation of US subsidies.¶ What about the effect of lower prices on individual households? When prices fall, household incomes diminish. When prices are pushed to record lows – as they were by US subsidies in the 1990s and 2000s – household incomes suffer even more gravely. In a paper for Oxfam’s Trade Justice campaign, the economists Alston, Sumner and Brunke calculated that subsidies depress farmer income by an extra 10,000 to 40,000 FCFA annually (around $20 to $85). In a context where margins are so tight that many survive on less than a dollar a day, and where schoolboys must engage in a summer of agricultural migrant labor to earn the $40 necessary to pay their coming year’s school fees, these are of course huge sums.¶ What my research with farming households clearly shows is that they are also real sums and that they have huge consequences for livelihoods.. In interview after interview, farmers told me that ‘when cotton works, things are good, we have money, we can develop’. One elderly woman explained that ‘before prices stayed low, all the young people earned some cash. They worked the fields and the old owned the land and paid them’. A local agricultural official echoed this assessment: ‘I can tell you, [in the early 1990s], farmers used to look after us, they were so well off. They had money, people built houses, wells, had weddings and ceremonies, kids had money and went to school, people bought tractors’.¶ The importance of money in these descriptions should not be underestimated. As with almost anywhere else in the world, access to cash is paramount in Benin and represents the single most important need for any individual or family project. Unsurprisingly, then, when cash became scarce as a result of the subsidy-induced price depression, things changed.¶ One of the major ways in which this change expressed itself was in the massive increase in out-migration by young males. Though the Southern Beninese region where I conducted my fieldwork used to be a major migrant destination (as workers would come from neighboring areas to work on cotton farms), this situation reversed with the price crash and subsequent depression. One village elder bluntly told me that, ‘when cotton worked, no-one went to Nigeria, because there was so much to do here, people had disposable cash, children went to school’. Now? ‘Young men migrate to Nigeria – to the mines – all the time, since there is nothing here to help them evolve’.¶ Interviews with dozens of current and former adolescent mine workers confirmed this picture. Boys repeatedly explained to me that they had reluctantly left school because their families didn’t have the $20 or $30 they needed to stay enrolled, or that they had moved to mines for work because, in the absence of an income from cotton, this was the only way they had to access capital. It is worth noting that in Southern Benin, cotton is literally the only way many farming communities have of obtaining cash without migrating. This is because the climate is perfectly adapted to the crop, substitutes do not benefit from similarly well-organised agricultural markets, and there is minimal industrial development.¶ In research similar to my own in the cotton-producing regions of Northern Benin, Abou-Bakari Imorou has found similar things. Significantly, he also found a rise in the labor exploitation of those migrating away from cotton regions. On many farms in the North, he explains, producers contract (principally) young migrant labor at the start of the season and agree wages based on the expected harvest and crop price. In the advent of unforeseen adverse climactic or political economic events that reduce the expected end of season earnings, ‘a farmer can find himself in a situation where he is unable to pay his workers, at times even having to go into debt in a desperate attempt to do so’. As such, he continues, what were at the outset simple contractual engagements between a farmer and his young workers ultimately become situations of exploitation when the young migrant worker goes unpaid.¶ What are the consequences of such a situation? In certain cases, written contracts are being adopted to prevent against exploitation; in others, farmers are looking towards younger and younger workers, who are more malleable and less likely (or able) to clamour for their agreed wages. It is important to note that this, as well as the mine-work I myself have researched, is classified in Benin as ‘child trafficking’.¶ What does all this mean? It means that, when tracing the chain of causality, we are left with a relatively simple path: the politicized decision by US lawmakers to subsidise already wealthy cotton-producing multinationals diminishes international cotton prices; these diminished international prices result in lower household earnings among the cotton-producing peasants of Southern Benin; margins are so tight within these households that reduced incomes lead to changed household behavior, including in the increased migrant labor of adolescent males; this migration frequently involves boys moving to work in difficult conditions that have been identified as akin to trafficking.¶By propagating notions of an amorphous, anchorless ‘poverty’ lying at the root of trafficking, anti-trafficking strategists therefore de-politicise the very crime they attempt to tackle, sidelining the political economic choices that underpin the market economy, labor relations, work, migration and exploitation that are themselves so central to the meaning of ‘trafficking’ in the first place. We know that ‘poverty’ apparently lies at the root of trafficking; now we can identify what, in Benin at least, lies at the root of poverty.
2nc FW
Framing is a prior question in the context of trafficking – discursive shifts shape governmental responses
Ford and Lyons 12 – *Michele, PhD, Future Fellow in the Department of Indonesian Studies at the University of Sydney, **Lenore, PhD @ Griffith, internationally recognised as the leading scholar on the feminist movement in Singapore, Former Research Professor @ Western Australia University
(“Counter-trafficking in Indonesia’s Periphery,” in Labor Migration and Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia: Critical Perspectives, p. 91)//BB
As this chapter has shown, in the Riau Islands at least, the framing of labour trafficking within the interlinked Solidarity Center/ICMC projects had a significant impact on the way in which NGO activists came to understand both trafficking and labour migration. The practical consequences of thisframing are manifold. Prior to the implementation of the CTP, there were few organizations in the Riau Islands working on labour migration issues and those that were in operation were run by Christian charities. Following the CTP, a range of new anti-trafficking NGOs began to take on board issues facing labour migrants. Much of this work focused on direct assistance in the form of reception, short-term housing and repatriation - crucial tasks that local authorities have been unable or reluctant to address.¶ However, ultimately, the decade-long programme has not resulted in significant improvements in the experiences of overseas migrant workers. The discursive shifts in the way that Indonesia's labour export programme has been understood have also shaped a critique of the government's response to labour exploitation. The inherent problems with the formal labour export system continue to encourage grey migration and migrant smuggling, and migrant workers continue to face labour exploitation regardless of their immigration status in host countries. Given the strong focus of the Solidarity Center/ICMC initiatives on migrant labour, this stark reality begs the question whether the anti-trafficking framework can ever adequately address the problems faced by low-skilled overseas migrant workers.
Sequencing DA
Box 10 – MA in International Human Rights
(Heidi, “Human Trafficking and Minorities: Vulnerability Compounded by Discrimination,” http://www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/researchdigest/minority/Trafficking.pdf)//BB
Although evidence within the extant literature is suggestive of a link between disadvantaged¶ populations and susceptibility to trafficking, this correlation has been insufficiently investigated. ¶ Indeed, it is surprising how little research has been done to explore human trafficking through the ¶ lens of minority discrimination. Before policymakers can produce sustainable prevention and ¶ development policies, research must identify the strongest indicators of trafficking experienced by¶ marginalized groups. This includes expanding the current ideology on minority groups in order to¶ encompass the endemic bias and the resulting consequences they experience. We are likely to find ¶ that as a result of systemic inequality born of discrimination, minorities are at an increased risk of¶ being trafficked and therefore minority group membership should be considered a risk factor for ¶ trafficking. Our understanding of each nuance of trafficked persons is vital if we intend to stem the ¶ flow of human trafficking.
2nc Link Run
Three links:
(1) Economic engagement – economic engagement is a BLUNT INSTRUMENT for an ENORMOUSLY complex problem. It incorrectly assumes that economic solutions are more productive than governance, rights or democratic engagement.
--because of the T threat, some teams have start to put economic engagement in the plan. I think this makes the link much more clear. Even if not, a good cross-ex will usually have the 1ac describing why the plan is economic (not democratic, HR or security) engagement.
This “economic frame” reinforces dominant neoliberal discourses and is complicit with more robust causes of trafficking
Sushko 8 – MA in Gender Studies @ Central European University
(Iryna, “Challenging the Discourse on Trafficking in Ukraine: Including the Cultural Dimension and Problematizing Women’s “Consent”,” Scholar)//BB
It is clear from the 23 interviews with trafficked women that misery, the inability to earn money or just a very scanty income are the basic reasons for women to search for well-paid jobs “abroad”. However, explaining trafficking and the decision to be trafficked only through the economic frame is very simplistic. First, not all women in limited economic conditions decide to leave Ukraine in search of a better life. Second, not all poor women let themselves be trafficked, consciously or unconsciously knowing about the nature of the proposed job. Thus, the focus of my analysis will be on the cultural dimension of traffickingand I will try to answer the question: Are there any cultural factors that play a role in women’s decision be trafficked?¶ When reading and analyzing the 19 case files, a number of factors seem significant. First is the age of the trafficked women, which ranges between 16 and 26 and the period that these¶ cases cover, between 1997 when La Strada started its activities in Ukraine and 2006. Why would age be considered a “cultural factor’? Not age per se, but these women’s age is an indication that they were born and spent their childhood during the socialist era, before the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. An example is Olga, who was 25 in 2004, thus she had lived 12 years under socialism, or Marina – ‘I was borne in 1981’ (Marina, case #7), thus she was 10 when the socialist system collapsed. The personalities of the 23 trafficked women have been formed and i n f l u e n c e d b y t h e s o c i a l i s t i d e o lo g y , i n c l u d i n g t h e S o v ie t me c h a n i s m s o f “ s p l it t i n g a n d projection”,3 as discussed in 2.2 of Chapter II.¶ Then the question arises of how the negative information about the West, created by Soviet officials and challenged by unofficial data, that portrayed it as “the idealized forbidden fruit of happiness, prosperity and freedom” (Tchomarova, 7) influenced the 23 women’s perception of “abroad”. Could this “influence” be considered a cultural factor? For example “Oksana (2004) had always wished to travel, to see new countries and to meet new people when she studied at school” (Oksana, case #1). Though her age is not indicated in the case, she graduated from a technical school and several years later went to Poland. This makes me assume that Oksana went to school in the early 1990s, after the fall of the Iron Curtain. Wish to travel is a normal wish, and it could not be only the “influence” of ambiguous information about the west during socialism. Still the naivety of perception of the West, formed under the influence of the Soviet mechanisms and unofficial data, should not be underestimated.¶ One more element related to cultural factors that came up in the interviewed material is the opening of borders after the fall of the Iron Curtain. Can the fall of the Iron Curtain be a cultural factor that shaped women’s decision be trafficked? Again, the opening of borders is not¶ 3 Splitting and projection - black and white image created by communist countries, where the existence of all negative has been denied and projected onto western countries (Tchomarova, 7)¶ 34¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ a cultural factor per se, but the consequences it has brought. Namely, the rapid flow of information, the powerful “western glamour”, imported in the form of Hollywood movies, such as Pretty Woman, released in 1990s and very successful not only in the US, but in Ukraine as well. All trafficked women and those 23 interviewed, in particular, could not process and judge realistically this “imported” life, the romanticized “western glamour” shown in those movies and dreamed about finding such happiness (usually represented by a happy marriage).¶ “The friend keeps on convincing Olga that the latter was too beautiful and young to remain divorced and moreover having two children to provide for. According to her friend Germans are good husbands and fathers, usually support their families and earn a lot. Thus, when Olga was proposed a job in Germany, she accepted the offer with joy, secretly expecting to find a good partner in life” (Olga, case #6)¶ It could be that both women (Olga and her friend) have that romanticized image of Germans as good fathers and partners from some Hollywood movies or soap operas. I can only guess what Olga meant by “secret expectations”, but I suppose this was a “glamour western life”, very attractive, prosperous and so much unachievable in her case. That is why I would say that the consequences of the opening of borders, such as import and impact of western movies and romanticized image of the West, are cultural factors that have shaped Olga’s (and other women from the 19 case files) decision to let herself be trafficked.¶ One more element related to cultural factors that came up while reading the 19 case files is the trafficked women’s family background. Therefore the next question will be: How did the family background and psychological climate in the family influence women’s decision to let themselves be trafficked? First, in 3 cases out of 19, women were brought up in single-parent families (Natalka, case # 5, Raisa, case # 9, Svitlana, case #11). Marina says for example:¶ “I have never known who my father was. My grandmother told that he had worked at the collective farm and died there during a fire. My mother died when I was 3 years old and my grandmother brought me up” (Marina, case #7).¶ 35¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ Further, many women from the 19 case files were divorced and had children to provide for. (Tamara, case # 2, Iryna, case # 4, Olga, case # 6, Svitlana, case # 16). Several women from the 19 cases have experienced domestic violence, as Olga who divorced her husband because the latter “drank a lot and made a row,” thus she was left alone with two sons aged three and two years, completely disappointed in Ukrainian men (Olga, case # 6).¶ Besides children who fully depended on them, many trafficked women from the 19 interviews had a sick mother (Natalka, case # 5) or dependant brothers and sisters. An example is Iryna who had 2 brothers and 3 sisters who were waiting for the support from their eldest sister (Iryna, case # 4). The above listed family factors created a very unfavorable psychological climate for the women, as they were perceived as the only mature, the only healthy member in the family, who had to earn bread for the dependants. Tanya’s story supports that statement.¶ “Her farther left the family when she was 4 and her brother was 2 years old. In 1991 her brother was knocked down by a car. He stayed alive but became disabled. The mother couldn’t work because she had to take care of him”. (Tanya, case #8).¶ In Nadya’s case her farther died in a car accident and her mother was left with two little twin daughters and one “mature” daughter, Nadya who interrupted her studies due to that tragic situation in the family and started to earn money (Nadya, case #12). The analysis of the above cases shows that women from single-parent families, divorced, or those who have “dependants” are more prone to decide to be trafficked, as they are not satisfied with their family situation, marriage, income and decide to change them drastically by going abroad.¶ Throughout the analysis of the 19 case files another question that occurred to me was: what role do the place of birth and the level of education play in shaping women’s decision? The analysis of these specific 19 case files shows that almost all these women had come from small villages and towns from all over Ukraine. Though several women (Natalka and Oksana, case # 5,¶ 36¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ Marina, case #7) moved to regional cities or to the capital of Ukraine before their being trafficked, only Raisa (Raisa, case # 9) was originally from Kiev. None of the 23 interviewed trafficked women received higher education due to various reasons. Oksana had a great desire to study at the university but did not have money for this: “There was not enough money in the family even to buy food, thus she could only dream about entering a university” (Oksana, case #1). Others graduated from a technical school or college, which are equivalent to secondary education in Ukraine, because they had to work and earn money and could not rely on the family’s support. “Olexandra had been studying in the local University for several years. Later she got married and gave birth to her daughter”. Thus she interrupted her studies and did not obtain a higher education (Olexandra, case # 10). Nadya did not finish one of the Kiev Universities because of the tragic death of her father:¶ “Three years ago I moved to Kiev from Donetsk and entered one of the universities...I did not get a stipend and finished two years of studies with my parents’ financial support...However my father unexpectedly got into a car accident and died...My mother was left with two younger sisters and I came back to Kiev to find a well paid job and planned to continue my education by correspondence” (Nadya, case # 12).¶ Therefore, 22 of the interviewed women came from small towns and villages and none of them has a higher education. The above analysis has shown that there is a tendency that these factors play a significant role in women’s decision to leave Ukraine with the help of traffickers. These factors indicate that, 22 interviewed women have lack of reliable information about legal ways of migration, as anti-trafficking campaigns are not conducted in small tons and villages.¶ In addition, what role does the specific post-1991 Ukrainian culture play in shaping women’s decision? What reasons have made Tanya (case #8) for example take up a job in the United Arab Emirates?¶ “Tanya lived in a small town in the Luhansk region. She was 20 years old. Her father left the family when she was 4 and her brother was 2 years old. In 19991¶ 37¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ her brother was knocked down by a car. He stayed alive but became disabled. So the mother couldn’t work because she had to take care of him. The girl finished technical school but couldn’t find work... A friend of her mother proposed to her to go to her relatives in the UAE: to work as a servant at a rich villa. The salary was $ 4000. It was incredible luck for the girl.” (Tanya, case #8).¶ The Ukrainian culture, as a symbolic system, combines the positive legacy of the state socialism with the notion of equality of men and women, equal access to education, and equal access to job markets and equal salaries both genders with the negative consequences of the collapse of socialism. The analysis of the age of 23 interviewed women has shown that they all spend their childhood under socialism; they observed the equality that their mothers and grandmothers had. The collapse of this system, according to Morokvasic, made women adapt to the transitional period and take jobs abroad as part of the caring role for the family (Morokvasic, 2004, 13). In Tanya’s case, she took up a bread-winner role in the family, as the collapse of socialism did not allow her to enter the Ukrainian job market equally with men. The proposed salary of $4000 was really “an incredible luck” for her, as by earning this money Tanya could perform the caring role for her mother and her disabled brother, who fully depended on her.¶ When reading the 19 case files, the emotional underpinnings of women’s decision to leave Ukraine, their wishes and desires seem important. Thus, which emotions, wishes and desires of the 23 trafficked women could be considered cultural factors? The 23 interviewed trafficked women wishes and desires were living in “stable” countries or being in “a happy marriage”- Tamara “decided to take up a job in Italy” (Tamara, #2), Vita “decided to go to work abroad, thus she found a job on one of the Internet sites. The job seemed very attractive – animator in one of the five-star hotels in Egypt” (Vita, case #3). Svetlana’s narration reveals her strong desire to marry a foreigner, who could be a good father to her four-year old daughter.¶ “On one of the parties Svitlana’s acquaintances asked her why being young and attractive, she was still single. Svitlana answered that she was fed up with a marriage with a drunken man. Then someone said that she should marry a¶ 38¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ foreigner, as their attitude to women and marriage was quite different. Svitlana was even proposed a person who would help her to go abroad...Svitlana couldn’t understand until now, why she, with a bitter experience in marriage, believed in happy marriage with a foreigner? It might be because the Ukrainian television showed happy and well-off life abroad. Then why did she believe? Maybe because she thought she had the right to be happy. Svitlana was excited to live with a handsome and rich foreigner, who could support her and her daughter Olenochka” (Svetlana, case # 11).¶ Still, can the strong desire to leave Ukraine be considered a cultural factor? Apart from economic reasons, what other motives lie behind this strong desire? In one of the anonymous I- narration stories, let’s call this woman X, she states that:¶ “I have managed to earn some money and went for holidays abroad. Having seen the life “abroad”, I realized that our country is even more “wild” than I thought before. I have seen and “felt” the new life and life in Ukraine seemed a nightmare. During several months I was actively looking for the ways to leave Ukraine. The moment had come when I did not care to which country I would go (western or eastern), I did not care about the nature of the job, the most important thing was that this must not be Ukraine” (X, case # 14).¶ Laliotou’s concept of “personal dissidence” (Laliotou, 2007) could be applied to X’s case, as this woman felt a strong dissatisfaction with the life in Ukraine in comparison to the life “abroad” she had seen during her holidays. She calls Ukraine “wild”, and perhaps some reasons and problems X had in Ukraine lie behind this notion of “wild”.¶ While Oksana “was always attracted by traveling, new countries and new people. She wanted to change her life, and shortage of money in her family and constant quarrels only reinforced that desire” (Oksana, case #1). That is another side of “personal dissidence”, as Oksana’s wish to travel, to see the world, to try luck in another country and by doing this to change her life partly because of problems in family life.¶ To conclude this sub-chapter, I think I can assume from the analysis of the available 19 case files that cultural factors do play a role in women’s decision to leave Ukraine. Economic factor alone is not a sufficient explanation. The cultural factors include the state socialist legacy¶ 39¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ of equality of men and women and equal possibilities, but negative consequences of collapse of that system and need for women to adapt to the post-1991 transitional period. Then the post-1991 transitional period, import of Hollywood movies (such as Pretty Woman) and soap operas that romanticize life in the West. Moreover, on the emotional and psychological level these are disappointment in marriage, experiences with domestic violence, and responsibility for dependant children and brothers/sisters, sick parents. Women’s wishes and desires include “personal dissidence”, desire to find love and happiness, or just live “a glamour western life”.¶ 3.2 Trafficking experience: expectations, reality and justification of consent¶ In this subchapter I will focus on the issue of consent and I will try to answer the question: Do women give their consent to be trafficked? If yes, then what are its consequences? All 23 interviewed women willingly accepted the jobs proposed to them. “When the acquaintance of her friend proposed her to go to Germany to work as a waitress, she agreed with joy” (Olga, case #6). “She agreed to the proposition of a distant relative to go to Germany” (Olexandra, case #10). “Natalka was proposed by her acquaintance to go to work in Switzerland with the help of a firm. Natalka proposed this job to her friend Oksana...According to the contract the firm had to assist in making documents and in buying tickets”. (Natalka, Oksana, case #5). Sometimes the traffickers made the women sign a contract in a foreign language, as in Svitlana’, Galya’ and Larisa’ case (women were made to sign a contract on the border and were promised a prosperous future), or the women signed a work contract that turned out to be false (Tamara, case #2). According to the typology of David Archard, all 23 trafficked women from the 19 case files gave their express4 consent to be trafficked either orally or in written form.¶ 4 “Express” consent means when it is explicitly and publicly stated, when there is a sign of agreement. In the basic sense, as Archard claims the express consent is given by saying “I consent to ...” or by signing one’s name under a¶ 40¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ However, none of the 23 interviewed women consented to prostitute themselves or to be kept in other slavery like conditions. What was the nature of the jobs to which women gave their consent? According to the 23 women’s narrations, the nature of the jobs proposed by the traffickers to the women was usually skilled or semi-skilled and “traditional” feminine: Tanya “was proposed to work as a servant at a rich villa” (Tanya, case #8), Larisa, Svitlana, Galya “were proposed a well-paid job in a dancing show-ballet” (Larisa, Svitlana, Galya, case #13), “Svitlana was very happy when her acquaintance Volodya, whom she knew for 2 years, proposed her to take a friend and go to Belgium to work as housekeeper” (Svitlana, Oksana, case #16), Marina “was proposed to work as a shop assistant in a super market in Istambul” (Marina, case #19)¶ What were the consequences of that consent? As discussed above, a useful way of structuring the consequences of the consent the 23 trafficked women faced is made by the Bulgarian psychotherapist Maria Tchomarova. The first type of consequences the trafficked women faced in the destination countries, according to Tchomarova, are severe violence, such beatings, hunger, and death threats. Are there any examples of that first type of consequences in the 19 cases? “When she arrived to Poland, Oksana was forced into prostitution regardless of her vehement protests. Oksana narrates about her life in Poland with fear, it seems that this period was the most frightful in her life” (Oksana, case # 1). Almost all 23 interviewed women mentioned beatings, Larisa told she was beaten into the belly and “Svitlana fainted after beatings and was paralyzed for a period of time” (Larisa, Svitlana, case # 13). Yuliya was forced into Internet pornography and one of her clients “tied her hands to a lamp, beat and raped her” (Yuliya, case # 18), after that the photos were posted at a site for sadomasohists.¶ written statement of the form “I consent to...” or by responding to an inquiry of whether one does consent with the words such as “I do” (Archard, 1998, 8).¶ 41¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ These terrifying examples show that the criminals treated the women inhumanly, they were bought and later sold, they brought profit, but the traffickers could easily get rid of those women, as the death of an undocumented immigrant or a prostitute would be unnoticed. An inhuman and brutal story was told by Larisa and Svitlana, when they were forced to cross the Greek border on foot, “they asked to be allowed to go for a toilet and was told that escape was impossible. Soon the women became convinced that escape was really impossible, as they found a body of a dead woman...” (Larisa, Svitlana, case # 13).¶ Second type of consequences of the actual trafficking experience according to Tchomarova’s typology is complete physical exhaustion. Are there any examples of physical exhaustion in 19 cases? Svitlana was told by the pimp that she had to entertain one client every hour (Svitlana, case # 11), others such as Marina, Nadya had to do several jobs simultaneously. “We were washing up dishes, cleaning the floor, wiping windows. In the evening we had to entertain clients at the bar and then in the bed” (Nadya, case # 12). In several cases women were proposed drugs for the purpose of “relaxation”. “If there were psychological problems with clients, Svitlana was cordially proposed a help with drugs” (Svitlana, case # 11). I assume criminals and pimps used these methods to exhaust the women psychologically, not to give them time to recover.¶ The third consequence of trafficking in Tchomarova’s typology is isolation, which means physical control. What kind of control did 23 trafficked women experience? Almost all of them were locked up in an apartment, a bar or a brothel, without a possibility to communicate with anybody. “Tamara was locked in a night bar together with other women and they were not allowed to leave it” (Tamara, case #2). “The owner was a middle-aged man. He told me some words in bad Russian and pushed me in a room and locked there.” (Marina, case #7). In all 19 case files the women’s documents were taken away, thus they became undocumented¶ 42¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ immigrants. None of the women from the 19 case files spoke any foreign language or understood the language of the destination country, which reduced their chances to escape.¶ Further, the 23 interviewed women were threatened by the criminals with death threats and that they would find the women’s relatives and children. Olga in the condition of severe violence was afraid not for herself but for the life of her children, whom she left with her friend, as the pimps “threatened her they would get to her children” (Olga, case #6). In I-narration story Nadja claimed that she was threatened to be killed in case she would not return the money she was paid and that nobody would find out it. “I was locked in a room without food for several days. I was beaten and was told that my family would be killed, as they knew everything about it” (Nadja, case # 12). Furthermore, Nadja was afraid that the pimps would tell her family what kind of work she was doing, as she did not want to disappoint her younger sisters for whom Nadja was an authority. Iryna’s story is a bit different, as she made the mistake of taking her two sons with her to Italy. When she refused to do what was asked and refused to be separated from children, “the owner [of the house she had to clean] began to beat her elder son ... he made Iryna look how he put out a cigarette on the body of her son” (Iryna, case # 4).¶ Thus, the traffickers and criminals exercised all but complete moral and physical control over all 23 interviewed women. The women were in conditions of constant stress, traumas, being locked up and cut out from family and the rest of the world, while the inhuman treatment by the pimps and the clients influenced greatly the women’s self-esteem and self-perception. For the trafficked women from 19 cases, in the condition of total moral and physical control and exhaustion, constant danger for their life and display of extreme violence, the threats about the life of family members looked very plausible. Sometimes the women were more afraid for the life of their family and not for themselves. The above analyzed consequences of trafficking that¶ 43¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ women faced in the destination countries sharply contrasted to the dreams and aspirations they had when they had gave their consent to the trafficker.¶ However, some women managed to return to Ukraine with the help of NGOs or with the help of Ukrainian consulates in the foreign countries. The next question is: What was the women’s state when they return to Ukraine and what is the attitude to them? When the trafficked women managed to escape and returned to Ukraine, they had to cope with two things: with the post traumatic state disorder (Der Kolk, Der Hart, 1995, 164) and with blame and pressure from their family, communities that usually have accepted the dominant discourse on trafficking. Which means that the 23 trafficked women tried to justify retrospectively their consent and exonerate themselves from that blame.¶ My first question here will be: What kind of traumas did the women faced upon their arrival to Ukraine? All 23 interviewed women have been traumatized and sometimes faced difficulties to narrate what happened to them and tried to conceal events that were too traumatic. “Oksana describes her life in Poland with fear; by her reserved narration one could understand that this period was the most terrible in her life” (Oksana, case #1). In the case of Vita, the social workers of La Strada faced difficulties while helping her, because she was not psychologically stable and was drug-addicted (Vita, case #3). In Irina’s case, when she managed to come back from Italy with her children: “both mother and children lost weight, there were small scars on their skin. The children were very sick, Irina spent all the money that she earned on their treatment” (Irina, case # 4)¶ What blame and pressure do the women face from their families and communities? The families and communities are not always ready to accept back their daughters, sisters or wives, as the general attitude to trafficking is rather negative. “The girl [Raisa] is longing to come back home but afraid that everybody will gossip about her and that no one will marry her” (Raisa, case¶ 44¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ #8). Marina, when she returned, did not have anyone to support her psychologically or financially.¶ “Now my grandmother died. I can’t live in my village any longer, because the pimps are looking for me. They are very angry that I managed to escape. They told my neighbors that I worked as a prostitute in Germany. I don’t have any place for believe” (Marina, case #7).¶ Moreover, the pattern that has been created by the media and politicians explains trafficking as an involuntary act, sees the main cause for this problem in poverty and waits for women to recognize their mistake. Therefore, the 23 trafficked women whose interviews I am analyzing framed their narrations according to the pattern of the dominant discourse. Accordingly, the women emphasized the difficult economic situation, while not fully trying to convey the real psychological and emotional factors or just briefly mentioning them. The dominant discourse readily accepts women’s narrations in which they do regret to leave Ukraine and in the best variant women have to witness against traffickers.¶ Thus, what are the self-justifying arguments the 23 interviewed women use? Why? “I am the only one to be blamed for everything that had happened” (Ganna , case # 17). I think Ganna is taking all the blame on herself because she thinks (or is made to think by the powerful discourse on trafficking) that the consequences she faced (Ganna was sold many times, forced into prostitution, lost 20 kilos) are her fault because she decided to leave Ukraine. In a post- traumatic state Ganna could not contemplate on the whole situation logically, moreover, she had to tell the potential audience what the latter wants to hear. And the potential audience wants to hear the woman’s confession to accept her back. As the dominant discourse on trafficking usually equates express consent of women to be trafficked with indirect5 consent to prostitute¶ 5 indirect consent, whereby “consent is given to that which is connected to that which is directly consented to” (Archard, 1998, 10). In Arcard’s explanation this means that if a person expressly consents to something, lets call it¶ 45¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ themselves. Thus, Ganna and other trafficked women have to overcome that stigma of the discourse.¶ “Upon their arrival to Ukraine, women decided to witness against traffickers...Oksana is happy she managed to return to Ukraine, though she hasn’t yet decided what she will in future. She wants to give birth to a child and wants her child to a Ukrainian citizen” (Natalka, Oksana, case #5)¶ It is a very courage decision to witness against criminals, especially in Ukraine, as the program of protection of witnesses does not work effectively (Levchenko, Udalova, Trubavina, 2005, 16). However, Oksana emphasized that she wants her child to be born in Ukraine and to be a Ukrainian citizen, by which she wants to show the audience that would read her “confession” that she regrets having consented to be trafficked. For Oksana that is the only way to reintegrate socially and exonerate herself from blame of the dominant discourse of not being a “patriot”.¶ The same sort of self-justification is found in the anonymous first person narration of the woman whom we have agreed to call X:¶ “I’d like to tell everyone that I love Ukraine, because it is my country, I was born here and here my ancestors were born and died, my children will live here ... the success depends on us, do not try to find easy ways, love Ukrainian culture, traditions, customs...” (X, case # 14).¶ X is even using the imperative to make the society believe she loves Ukraine and she is a real patriot of her country. This is the message that the nationalistic political circles are ready to accept and believe. I would not deny the fact that the trafficked experience and the real Hell in the United Arab Emirates she had managed to escape from made X rethink the situation and her place in Ukraine. However, the question is why she is trying to convince everybody that life is better in Ukraine and not even try to leave this country? Because that kind of narration will give¶ X, and that X is connected to another thing let’s say Y, then he/she indirectly consents to Y and to all consequences that it may bring.¶ 46¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ her and other trafficked women the possibility to be accepted back into their families and not to be stigmatized by the media.¶ The most readily accepted narrations of the women are their self-justification arguments and attempts to convince the potential audience of journalists, politicians and themselves that they made a mistake by deciding to leave Ukraine (while their consent to be trafficked is not recognized), but still they remain patriots and will never do it again. I do not know whether the women really feel this patriotism or not, they might most probably have changed their attitude towards and perception of Ukraine, but they obviously have to follow this pattern of revived “patriotism” and frame their narrations accordingly.¶ Conclusion¶ I have analyzed 23 interviews conducted by La Strada with 23 trafficked women right upon their arrival to Ukraine. I have used content analysis to study their cases and have analyzed to what extent the narration of the women followed the generally accepted pattern of the dominant public discourse on trafficking in Ukrainian. This pattern fails to regard the possibility of women giving consent to be trafficked, equates express consent to be trafficked with indirect consent to perform services of a sexual nature, sees the cause of the problem of the increase in trafficking in poverty and wants to hear patriotic narrations of those who returned. This dominant discourse does not address the problem of trafficking from cultural perspective, in other words it does not see how cultural forces shape women’s decision to leave Ukraine and let themselves be trafficked.¶ I have concluded from the analysis of the 23 women’s narrations that although women emphasized the difficult economic situation in their families, there were many important cultural forces that contributed to their decision to let themselves be trafficked. I have shown that these¶ 47¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ cultural factors include the legacy of state socialism and the collapse of that system, the transitional post-1991 period and the import of Hollywood movies, and soap operas that romanticize western life and due to this romantization, women’s desire to live that life, to find happiness in marrying a foreigner; the “caring” and “bread-winner” roles that women took up in the transitional period. Moreover, other factors that contribute to women’s decision are their level of education and place of birth, disappointment in marriage, experience of domestic violence; “personal dissidence”- as unsatisfaction with present life, desire to change it by traveling abroad.¶ From the 19 case files that I have analyzed, I have concluded that all 23 women gave their express consent to traffickers, but the events that followed were a sharp contrast to their dreams and expectations. The actual events the 23 interviewed women faced were beatings, humiliations, sexual abuse, and physical and moral exhaustion. Upon arrival back to Ukraine some of the trafficked women exonerated themselves from blame in their narrations by using self justifying arguments. The trafficked women tried to convince the potential audience of journalists, politicians, ordinary citizens that they made a mistake by leaving Ukraine (while their consent to be trafficked is not recognized), but still they remain patriots and will never do it again. In such a way 23 women want to reintegrate back to their families, communities and to wash away the stigma, created by the public discourse on trafficking.¶ 48¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ CONCLUSION¶ My MA research was aimed at identifying and questioning several key characteristics of the dominant public discourse on trafficking in Ukraine. My MA Thesis has dealt with two issues of the dominant public discourse in Ukraine, namely the only-economic explanation of trafficking and consensual/non-consensual binary approach to this phenomenon.¶ I have concluded that one of the main pitfall is the failure of the dominant Ukrainian discourse to recognize trafficking as a complex, multi-sided issueand the importance of studying its cultural dimension. Moreover, I have problematized the binary approach taken in the public discourse of “voluntary” migration vs. “involuntary” trafficking and I have proven that women can give their consent to be trafficked.¶ First, in Chapter I, I have analyzed how trafficking is conceptualized through historic, neoliberal and legal frameworks internationally and in the specific Ukrainian context. Then I have studied how the Ukrainian public discourse is formed and what are its approaches to explanation of the increase in trafficking. While scholars on the international scale, like Jyoti Sanghera, have made attempts to challenge the dominant assumption that poverty is the only cause for the increase in trafficking (Sanghera, 2005, 5), the Ukrainian public discourse fails to recognize this fact. Further, Ukrainian public discourse does not regard trafficking as a voluntary act and in case women consent to be trafficked, they “got what they deserved”.¶ I have made an attempt to challenge this Ukrainian discourse by arguing that economic- only explanation of trafficking is oversimplified and a cultural dimension should be taken into account. Moreover, I have shown that while women do give their consent to be trafficked, the problem is that the discourse on trafficking does not distinguish express consent that women give to the traffickers by signing a contract or in other form with indirect consent to prostitute¶ 49¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ themselves (though not all trafficking is of sexual nature). That is to say that, even if the women consent to the traffickers, they did not consent to the exploitative conditions, beatings, humiliations to which they are exposed in the destination countries.¶ In Chapter II, I have studied the cultural forces that shape women’s decision to let themselves be trafficked, and the emotional and psychological underpinnings of that decision. One of the main reasons is the legacy of the Soviet Union, when people received ambiguous and twisted information about the western countries, then the fall of the Iron Curtain has brought a flood of information, as well as the notion of “western glamour” and other romanticized myths about the utopian life in the West. In Chapter II, I have also studied the typology of consent proposed by Archard. Then I have analyzed what expectations lie behind women’s consent and what consequences the trafficked women faced in the destination countries. I have concluded from the studied literature that women come back to Ukraine in the state of post traumatic state disorder, but upon their arrival one more stress awaits – blame and pressure from media, politicians, and difficulties with reintegration into their families and communities that have accepted the negative patterns of the public discourse on trafficking.¶ In Chapter III, I have analyzed 19 cases in which 23 trafficked women have been interviewed by social workers and psychotherapists of La Strada. I have focused on and tried to analyze the cultural dimension of trafficking and cultural factors that shaped women’s decision to leave Ukraine. I have also analyzed how the 23 trafficked women retrospectively try to justify their consent, as they feel it could be the only way to reintegrate socially and be accepted back. In their narrations women address the target audience of nationalist political circles and media, which want to hear that women regret having made the decision to leave Ukraine and that this decision was made because of extreme conditions of poverty. As I was not allowed to conduct interviews myself due to the principle of anonymity and because of a lack of relevant¶ 50¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ psychological qualification, I think that for future research interviewing women right upon their arrival to Ukraine and for the reintegration period of time is crucial in order to make more specific conclusions about the cultural factors and the construction of consent.¶ Based on the analysis of the empirical data, I can answer the central questions posed in the beginning: the women decided to live Ukraine and let themselves be trafficked not only because of economic reasons, although the 23 interviewed women mentioned poverty as a main factor, but because of complex set of cultural factors as well. From the analysis of 19 case files I have concluded that cultural factors include the legacy of state socialism and collapse of that system, transitional post-1991 period and import of Hollywood movies, soap operas that romanticize western life, women’s desire to live that life, to find happiness in marrying a foreigner; “caring” and “bread-winner” roles that women took up in the transitional post 1991- period. Moreover, other factors that contribute to women’s decision are their level of education and place of birth, disappointment in marriage, experience of domestic violence; “personal dissidence”- as unsatisfaction with present life, desire to change it by traveling abroad.¶ Moreover, I can answer the second central question of my MA Thesis: women do give their consent to be trafficked. I have concluded that all 23 women gave their express consent to traffickers whether orally or in the written form by signing a contract. However, express consent should not be equated with indirect consent, and women did not consent to the consequences that followed, namely to beatings, humiliations, sexual abuse, physical and moral exhaustion in the destination countries.¶ The answer to the third central question of why women justify their consent lies in the narrow approach of the dominant public discourse on trafficking. Upon arrival to Ukraine some of the 23 trafficked women exonerated themselves from blame in their narrations by using self justifying arguments. The message of the trafficked woman X, presented in the introduction,¶ 51¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ shows how this woman addresses her narration to the political and media circles in order not to be stigmatized in the public opinion for her desire to leave Ukraine. While Oksana states that she wants her child to be born in Ukraine and to be a Ukrainian citizen in order to show her patriotism to the nationalistic politicians.¶ My current suggestion in helping the trafficked womenwould be in changing their “trafficked image” in the dominant discourse through work with journalists and hopefully politicians. I think that the cultural dimension of trafficking and cultural forces that shape women’s consent to be trafficked should be studied further. Further research should be made, which should aim at interviewing the trafficked women right upon their return to Ukraine and then during the reintegration period. Case studies of that kind are time-consuming and need special permission of the trafficked women and could be conducted only with the joined efforts of the researcher, the NGO and the trafficked women.¶ The next step would be awareness raising about trafficking among the Ukrainians and the potential “risk” groups. Of course, that element is not new, as La Strada, for example, elaborates anti-trafficking campaigns and other information raising activities among the Ukrainian citizens. However, I see a problem in the very narrow perception of the process of trafficking and the need to broaden this discourse. The focus should be made on the cultural dimension of trafficking and people who create the dominant discourse (media and politicians) have to be shown the importance of looking from the cultural perspective of the trafficked women.¶ For the purpose of broadening the dominant discourse and introducing the important cultural element, I would propose the practical model of “Improving media coverage through Journalist training” elaborated by Bronwyn Jones (Jones, 2005, 137). Of course only the skeleton and the main idea of that model could be used in the Ukrainian context, but Jones states that the media coverage of trafficking in most cases is “one-dimensional and biased” (Jones, 2005, 137),¶ 52¶ CEU eTD Collection¶ thus special training programs for journalists under careful supervision should be elaborated. I suggest that these training programs should be conducted by gender experts together with anti- trafficking activists in order to change the image of the trafficked woman in the Ukrainian society.¶ With further research on the cultural dimension of trafficking, international and joined efforts in broadening the dominant Ukrainian discourse would be the most beneficial. It should be admitted that the trafficked women could give their consent, but that should not bebe helb against them, which they have to justify in order to be “reintegrated”.
(2) Market metaphor – treating trafficking as a “market” internalizes classical economics into policy responses – requires DEVELOPMENTAL responses
--“Truong” – explains the “mismatch of supply and demand” as driving human trafficking
--“Shahinian” – trafficking an “industry” and a “trade”
Molland 12 – PhD in Anthropology, Lecturer in Anthropology (Development Studies) @ ANU
(Sverre, “The Inexorable Quest for Trafficking Hotspots along the Thai-Lao Border,” in Labor Migration and Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia: Critical Perspectives, p. 63-64)//BB
Where are the spots?¶ The notion of a market in trafficked persons is well-depicted by Shangera, the former trafficking advisor to the United Nations* Human Rights Commissioner:¶ The sites of work that draw this supply of migrant livelihood-seekers are¶ contingent upon demand from particular sectors of the economy for certain¶ types of labor that would enable maximization of profit The drive for¶ maximizing profit under a competitive economic regime fields a demand for workers who are the most vulnerable and therefore the most exploitable and controllable¶ (Shangera 2005: 7)¶ Trafficking is here understood as a fallout of the twin forces of supply and demand and echoes old-school migration theory derived from classical economics where migration is seen as a response to market disequilibrium (Massev I y'JH). The depiction of migration as a response to market disequilibrium is also evident in the Lao anti-trafficking sector:¶ Trafficking occurs across provincial and national boundaries, and over long distances, creating a How of people moving from poorer areas to more pros-perous ones. Due to the increase in cross-border movement and migration, previously remote areas are now exposed to rapid social changes. This has disrupted traditional lifestyles, and made communities especially vulnerable to the problem of trafficking¶ (Asia Regional Cooperation to Prevent People Trafficking 2003: 9)¶ The aforementioned strategy to provide vocational trainingand micro-credit schemes in villages with out-migration also reflects a profound internalization of classic market theory. It is not only that such projects (perhaps naively) assume that by removing incentives for leaving the village a trafficking situation' is hence prevented. By providing opportunities at home, these projects reason, one is contributing to labour market equilibrium - if equal opportunity exists at home, then why leave?
This creates emotional detachment from actual social relations that drive migration. Re-centering on discursive logics is key.
Molland 12 – PhD in Anthropology, Lecturer in Anthropology (Development Studies) @ ANU
(Sverre, “The Inexorable Quest for Trafficking Hotspots along the Thai-Lao Border,” in Labor Migration and Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia: Critical Perspectives, p. 70-71)//BB
In a celebrated (and critiqued) analysis of development aid in Lesotho. Ferguson 11990) argued that development aidprogrammes areshaped by a discursive internal logic rather than by the social world that they seek to alter. Drawing on Foucault. he suggests that aid programmes can only articulate their object in terms of what the project is capable of delivering. The result of this, according to Ferguson, is that development aid lends to lake on a technocraticcharacter, emphasizing technical solutions (the provision of tractors, training in new harvest techniques and so on) rather than addressing questions of power and politics (i.e. entrenched elites and patron-client relationships) This does not render aid delivery benign.Although development programmes describe themselves in apolitical terms, they carry with them, Ferguson says, concrete although often unintended political effects.¶ Similarly. I argue that anti-traffickers such as Thou cling to the notion of prescient traffickers who can swiftly relocate to maximize their profits because it is a discursive necessity. Trafficking programmes manage scarce resources and need to place their efforts where they envisage they will have the most impact. It is difficult for an anti-trafficking project to justify spending those scarce resources in an area if it is clear that there have only been a few reported cases of human trafficking. De-centred, infrequent and ad hoc trafficking will not do for an anti-trafficking project because it does not allow for a hook' on which a project can design an intervention - in other words, trafficking must be made legible¶¶ (Scott 1998) and receptive to policy intervention. It therefore becomes impera-tive for an anti-trafficking project to make allusions to agglomerations ('this border crossing is a hotspot for trafficking', 'this village is vulnerable to traffick-ing, 'trafficking is more prone in the low-end brothels') And the metaphor of a market is particularly well suited as a vessel to communicate notions of trends and hotspots because it gives a sense of coherence and meaning to anti-trafficking projects and provides cause-effect relationships which allow aid workers to design interventions.¶ Anti-trafficking programmes in Laos are detached from the social world of migrants because the discursive necessity for agglomeration and its accompany-ing focus on hotspots and market metaphors has led to a tendency to depict the intentional subject in a utilitarian fashion (i.e. the rational maximizing agent) The effect of this is that agency is understood as being external and prior to social action (Emirbaver and Mische 1998) thereby drawing attention away from social relation-ships. Advocating for strengthened law enforcement, even if this includes the death penally, is made conceivable when it is claimed that traffickers use 'demand-supply basics' (Aye 2002: 3) and dynamically adjust to changing environments' (UN1AP et at. 2004: 6)." It is less certain whether Lao anti-trafficking programmes would be so eager to launch law enforcement-style projects if more consideration were given to the fact that, at least when it comes to the sex industry along the Under, recruiters are often themselves young sex workers who recruit sporadically and opportunisti-cally (as opposed to methodically and with calculation) So far the introduction of the death penalty has not resulted in executions (it only applies in egregious cases) and given the extremely limited dissemination and knowledge of Lao laws amongst its citizens and officials it is doubtful whether it has been a meaningful deterrent. Although arrests of traffickers have been made, the number is still relativity small compared to the enormous numbers of migrants, and it is difficult to argue that they have resulted in significant changes for migrant populations and Lao labour migrants at large.¶¶ Conclusion¶ As 1 have indicated throughout this chapter, what is extraordinary is the way anti-trafficking programmes in Laos in many respects remain detached from their object of intervention. Although this may be surprising it is worth noting that '[knowledge and action mobilize extremely dissimilar registers of legitimation' (de Sardan 2005: 199) and there are often wide discrepancies between discourse and practice within the development sector (Lewis and Mosse 2006)¶ It is not just that anti-trafficking programmes are defined with reference to their own discursive logic As Mosse (2004 646) has pointed out, the success (and the continuation) of projects docs not primarily depend on turning policy into reality, but 'upon the stabilization of a particular interpretation' of success. As human trafficking is inherently a de-temtonal development challenge, the mismatch between ideal types models and the local unfolding of migration can be glossed over because the notion of a frictionless market allows anomalies to be explained by the model: hence, absence of clear evidence of trafficking-prone villages can be turned into evidence for frictionless and calculating traffickers thus: There is a growing acknowledgement of the displacement, or push-down pop-up (PDPU) effect surrounding trafficking. This name is used to describe a phenomenon whereby the problem is reduced or pushed down in one place, only to emerge somewhere else. Trafficking is a dynamic phenomena and traffickers can quickly adjust to changing environments, in particular, but not only, by shifting geographic focus of their activities. Evidence of PDPU raises questions about the efficacy of a range of current programs and its acknowledgement is fundamental to developing more effective interventions.
(3) Poverty-trafficking narrative --
Todres – assumes women and children are primarily trafficked from “poorer countries” to the developed West.
Emphasis on poverty is unproductive – gender inequality is a key starting point for developing policies to combat trafficking
Siwakoti 10 – PhD, former political prisoner, President of INHURED International (Special Consultative Status, ECOSOC, UN)
(Gopel, “South Asia Transborder trafficking and poverty portfolio,” http://www.inhuredinternational.org/resources/articles/35-south-aasia-transborder-traffickingapoverty-portfolio.html)
The most commonly identified push factor to the trafficking process is poverty. The necessity to meet basic needs, in combination with other factors is the most commonly identified motivation to migrate or to encourage a family member to leave. Those most vulnerable to trafficking do generally come from the poorest and marginalized segments of communities. However, a simplistic view of poverty based on low-income levels or livelihood options do not assist in understanding why it is that women and children appear to be the most vulnerable to negative outcomes from migration, such as trafficking.¶ An understanding of the social elements of poverty – lack of human and social capital, gender discrimination and the need for special protection for certain members of a community – also helps identify the most vulnerable. Governance issues also play a role in allocating resources and services in a community and those living in poverty tend to have limited access to these development opportunities – perpetuating their poverty and vulnerability to trafficking. A range of policies and environmental circumstances also influence the incidence of poverty and vulnerability to risks for migrants to being trafficked. Competition between countries in South Asia has further driven the cost of labor down encouraging some employers to use illegal practices such as bonded labor to access cheaper and cheaper labor sources.¶ Conflicts and disasters force communities to move, often en masse to meet their basic needs. When individuals within that community have no skills or education, and are exposed to health risks, their capacity to secure sustainable livelihoods is limited, and their risk to trafficking heightened. ¶ Human trafficking involves movement and is part of a migration experience . Migration policies that exclude many unskilled people, particularly women, from legal migration and are therefore forced to seek alternative livelihood options through illegal means. Human smugglers offer forged documents or transportation to other countries where they promise to link migrants with job opportunities. These are often the same smugglers who traffic labor (i.e. coerce migrants into certain types of work, create debt bondage conditions or refuse migrants freedom to return home). Those working in illegal situations are more susceptible to coercion by traffickers. It is anticipated that migration policies will continue to discourage migration of unskilled labor, or that labor movements will be confined within South Asia and to certain South East Asian countries and that this situation will continue. These countries have poor records of protecting rights of these irregular and illegal migrants or trafficked victims, which perpetuate conditions that offer profits to opportunistic traffickers.¶ Feminization of Poverty ¶ In South Asia, the feminization of poverty is accompanied by the feminization of survival strategies. Women are also disproportionatelyexcluded from development opportunities through deeply rooted discrimination and low status. This results in limited access to education with exceptionally low adult female literacy rates, little access to health care and almost no recognition of the contribution they make to family incomes and livelihood. Women compared to men have a higher incidence of poverty, especially among female headed households; women’s poverty is more severe than men’s poverty in the absence of access to resources and very low rates of human capital among women (education, health etc.); overtime, the incidence of poverty among women in increasing compared to men, based on much fewer employment opportunities for women and inability to migrate to fill emerging job sectors either overseas or in Nepal.¶ Women’s Contribution to Economy¶ In the absence of adequate efforts to recognize and increase women's contribution to economic growth, including, in varying degrees, policies and programs to increase women's access to economic resources, paid employment, training and promotion, as well as laws guaranteeing healthy and safe working conditions, women are economically challenged. Women are simultaneously engaged in reproduction, household work, as well as income generation. The work burden of women is extremely high. However, women are still primarily engaged in the low-productivity, low wage, and high underemployment agricultural sector.¶ In hard times, women are more likely than men to exploit every possibility for work or income, including precarious activities and poorly paid work at home or in the unstructured sector, and including that which requires a change of residence or migration to the city or to a foreign country (illegal in most circumstances for unskilled labor). Women are more vulnerable to the negative social effects of economic restructuring and recession as they are generally unskilled. Programs and services developed by most of the South Asian governments to address unemployment are less accessible to women and the potential that investments in women’s skills and opportunities has to increase overall family status are rarely taken up.¶ Economically-Based Vulnerabilities ¶ Conditions of poverty is a great force that drives an individual to think the unthinkable and do the undoable. There are many cases of families of young girls being trafficked to brothels openly acknowledging that their daughters are living under difficult and harmful circumstances, but see no other option for their survival Poor households also often fall into debt and may be compelled to hand over a child into debt-bondage, a practice still prevalent in many South Asian societies. Natural disasters, climatic fluctuations and other shocks to insecure livelihoods can also force families into handing over children or to migrate themselves. ¶ Conclusion¶ Measures to fight poverty prove ineffective when poor women are perceived as the passive beneficiaries of social welfare. Similarly, it is necessary to increase women's productivity in home-based, informal and agricultural work while expanding their opportunities of employment and the income they receive from their work. The transformation of women's economic activities requires profound reforms, for example: policies giving women access to land and assets, credit and technology; measures favoring independent work by women; and programs of training which make them competitive on the job market. A more gender sensitive approach is required in the formulation of economic and social development policies and programs. At the same time it is vital to recognize that many of these poverty reduction programs for women will involve greater mobility and migration of women. Even as poverty is reduced, exposure to the risk of trafficking will increase for these women, unless there are accompanying programs to provide safe and secure transportation, access to food and shelter and services such as help lines, protection from law enforcers etc.
2nc Link – Modeling
Representation of trafficking as a monolithic problem ignores the differences between trafficked populations – this precludes solvency and ignores the plethora of differences that drive the practice
Crawford, 10 – (Mary, Professor of Psychology and Women’s Studies at the University of Connecticut; author of more than 50 research articles and ten books; “Sex Trafficking in South Asia Telling Maya’s Story,” Routledge Research on Gender in Asia, Taylor & Francis Group, 2010, ISBN 978-0-415-77843-5 or 978-0-203-86281 for e-book)//HO
Sex trafficking is not uniform across social, cultural, and political contexts, but rather highly situation-specific. To begin with, the girls and women who are vulnerable are not all alike.In an empirical study of trafficking to Israel from the newly independent states following the breakup of the former Soviet Union, the women involved were educated adults who emigrated voluntarily with the intention of working as prostitutes, and were held in coercive and exploitative conditions (e.g., denied access to their passports) (Chudakov, Ilan, Belmaker, & Cwikel, 2002). In contrast, an ethnographic study of child prostitution in Thailand reported that girls and boys as young as three years of age were sexually abused by Western tourists who were pedophiles, and their families were often aware of and complicit in their trafficking (Montgomery, 2001b). Colombian women trafficked to Japan primarily are adults recruited to work in the entertainment industry as dancers, bar hostesses, etc., and then coerced or deceived into prostitution (Warren, 2007). The perpetrators differ, too. In the trade from Colombia to Japan, the perpetrators are criminal syndicates connected to the illicit drug trade (Warren, 2007). In contrast, Nepali girls and women are trafficked to Indian brothels by loosely organize networks of Nepali women and men rather than organized crime syndicates (although, after arrival, trafficked women may be at the mercy of Indian criminal organizations connected to brothels). The clients in Indian brothels are almost always Indian and Nepali men, unlike the foreign tourists that prey on Thai children (Hennink & Simkhada, 2004; Human Rights Watch, 1995). Certainly, there are cross-cultural similarities in these examples: desperate economic need, a demand for the bodies of girls and women, and so on. However, there are also enormous differences in root causes, modes of trafficking, victim characteristics, and perpetrator characteristics – differences that are elided in universalizing terms such as “global sex trade.” Eliminating sex trafficking and helping its victims are causes that very few would disagree with, and trafficking has been a popular topic in the mass media. In the U.S., the problem has been featured on Oprah; in the UK, Prince Charles contributed his paintings for a fund-raiser. Wikipedia cites dozens of documentary films on human trafficking. Newspaper headlines (The Australian: “$1m Trade in Sex Slaves;” The Kathmandu Post: “The Selling of Innocents;” The Toronto Sun: “Sex Slaves: Fodder for Flesh Factories,” all cited in Doezema, 1999) offer titillating verbal imagery of bondage and sexual humiliation as they generate outrage against sex trafficking. There is even a novel for young readers, widely adopted for school reading lists in the U.S., that tells the story of fictional “Lakshmi” [Sold, n.d. omitted] In short, sex trafficking recently has generated enormous media attention. Most news accounts consist of descriptions of atrocities committed against individual women followed by claims about “global sex slavery.” However, I contend that attempts to understand sex trafficking as a unitary, global phenomenon are misplaced and likely to be ineffective. Instead, I hope to demonstrate that trafficking in girls and women is a product of the social particular culture and at a particular historical moment. Using sex trafficking from Nepal to India as the focus, I will demonstrate that trafficking as a material phenomenon and as a social construction – that is, the concept and its representation in discourse – are products of the particular social locations of those involved: victims, perpetrators, governments, and anti-trafficking groups.
2nc Alt
The alternative is to rhetorically criticize the 1ac’s economic approach to human trafficking. The alternative solves:
a) Holistic solutions – A rhetorical examination reverses their biases and misconceptions – creates holistic policy solutions
Polaris Project 13 - Leading organization in the global fight against human trafficking and modern-day slavery, transforming the way that individuals and communities respond to human trafficking, in the U.S. and globally
(“Myths and Misconceptions,” http://www.polarisproject.org/human-trafficking/overview/myths-and-misconceptions)//BB
To effectively combat human trafficking, each of us needs to have a clear "lens" that helps us understand what human trafficking is. When this lens is clouded or biased by certain persistent misconceptions about the definition of trafficking, our ability to respond to the crime is reduced.It is important to learn how to identify and break downcommonly-held myths and misconceptions regarding human trafficking and the type of trafficking networks that exist in the United States.¶ Myth 1: Under the federal definition, trafficked persons can only be foreign nationals or are only immigrants from other countries.¶ Reality: The federal definition of human trafficking includes both U.S. citizens and foreign nationals - both are protected under the federal trafficking statutes and have been since the TVPA of 2000. Human trafficking encompasses both transnational trafficking that crosses borders and domestic or internal trafficking that occurs within a country. Statistics on the scope of trafficking in the U.S. are most thorough and accurate if they include both transnational and internal trafficking of U.S. citizens as well as foreign nationals.¶¶ Myth 2: Human trafficking is essentially a crime that must involve some form of travel, transportation, or movement across state or national borders.¶ Reality: The legal definition of trafficking, as defined under the federal trafficking statutes, does not require transportation. Although transportation may be involved as a control mechanism to keep victims in unfamiliar places, it is not a required element of the trafficking definition. Human trafficking is not synonymous with forced migration or smuggling. Instead, human trafficking is more accurately characterized as exploitation, a form of involuntary servitude, or “compelled service” where an individual’s will is overborne through force, fraud, or coercion.¶¶ Myth 3: Human trafficking is another term for human smuggling.¶ Reality: There are many fundamental differences between the crimes of human trafficking and human smuggling. Both are entirely separate federal crimes in the United States. Most notably, smuggling is a crime against a country’s borders, whereas human trafficking is a crime against a person. Also, while smuggling requires illegal border crossing, human trafficking involves commercial sex acts or labor or services that are induced through force, fraud, or coercion, regardless of whether or not transportation occurs.¶¶ Myth 4: There must be elements of physical restraint, physical force, or physical bondage when identifying a human trafficking situation.¶ Reality: The legal definition of trafficking does not require physical restraint, bodily harm, or physical force. Psychological means of control, such as threats, fraud, or abuse of the legal process, are sufficient elements of the crime. Unlike the previous federal involuntary servitude statutes (U.S.C. 1584), the new federal crimes created by the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) of 2000 were intended to address “subtler” forms of coercion and to broaden previous standards that only considered bodily harm. It is important for definitions of human trafficking in the U.S. and around the world to include a wide spectrum of forms of coercion in order for the definition to encompass all the ways that traffickers control victims.¶¶ Myth 5: Victims of human trafficking will immediately ask for help or assistance and will self-identify as a victim of a crime.¶ Reality: Victims of human trafficking often do not immediately seek help or self-identify as victims of a crime due to a variety of factors, including lack of trust, self-blame, or specific instructions by the traffickers regarding how to behave when talking to law enforcement or social services. It is important to avoid making a snap judgment about who is or who is not a trafficking victim based on first encounters. Trust often takes time to develop. Continued trust-building and patient interviewing is often required to get to the whole story and uncover the full experience of what a victim has gone through.¶¶ Myth 6: Human trafficking victims always come from situations of poverty or from small rural villages.¶ Reality: Although poverty can be a factor in human trafficking because it is often an indicator of vulnerability, poverty alone is not a single causal factor or universal indicator of a human trafficking victim. Trafficking victims can come from a range of income levels, and many may come from families with higher socioeconomic status.
b) Sequencing – A more nuanced understanding of trafficking is a pre-requisite to understanding the multiplicity of forces that drive trafficking – this is comparatively more effective than viewing trafficking economically
Betz 9 – MA in International Security Studies @ Naval War College
(Diana, “HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN SOUTHEAST ASIA: CAUSES AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS,” http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA501444)
Also, prior to policy creation, governments must have a solid understanding of ¶both the global and regional causes of both types of human trafficking. Again, there is ¶ some overlap between the large-scale causes, but, in general, each type of trafficking has ¶unique and distinctive origins. A significant number of scholars have attempted to¶ identify the root causes of global human trafficking, which has led to great debate inside ¶ the community regarding the relevance and pervasiveness of many of these causes. ¶ However, this debate has not resulted in agreement and many international organizations, ¶ such as the UN, do not to include an official cause of human trafficking in protocols or ¶ other legal documents.8 Poverty is often cited as a cause of human trafficking, but as ¶ David Feingold argues, this is too simple of a response.9 One must examine the causes of ¶ human trafficking more thoroughly to recognize the links of abysmal women’s rights, ¶ globalization, uneven industrial development and many other factors that lead to poverty ¶ within these countries. It is also important to differentiate between the causes of sex and ¶ labor trafficking, as targeted victims arise from strikingly different circumstances.
AT: Cede Political / Materiality Good
Developmental approaches WORSEN poverty
Escobar 95 - Distinguished Professor of Anthropology, UNC-Chapel Hill
(Arturo, “Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World,” pg. 143-144)//BB
The Instrument-Effects of Development Projects
In his study of the development apparatus in Lesotho, James Ferguson (1990, 251–77) retakes Foucault's question of the “instrument-effects” of political technologies such as the prison or, in our case, rural development. Ferguson's basic contention is that even if rural development projects in Lesotho were for the most part a failure, their side effects—or, better, instrument-effects—nevertheless had far-reaching consequences for the communities involved. Like the prison in Foucault's case—which fails in terms of its explicit objective of reforming the criminal and yet succeeds in producing a normalized, disciplined society—the development apparatus shows remarkable productivity: not only does it contribute to the further entrenchment of the state, it also depoliticizes the problems of poverty that it is supposed to solve.
It may be that what is most important about a “development” project is not so much what it fails to do but what it does do. … The “instrument-effect,” then, is two-fold: alongside the institutional effect of expanding bureaucratic state power is the conceptual or ideological effect of depoliticizing both poverty and the state. … If the “instrument-effects” of a “development” project end up forming any kind of strategically coherent or intelligible whole, this is it: the anti-politics machine. (Ferguson 1990, 256)
The provision of government services is not culturally and politically innocent. Services, as Ferguson adds, “serve to govern” (253). Aihwa Ong points at a more profound effect of DRI-like strategies in her analysis of rural development projects in Malaysia. What is at stake in these strategies, she ventures, is an entire biopolitics: a set of policies regulating a plurality of problems such as health, nutrition, family planning, education, and the like which inevitably introduce not only given conceptions of food, the body, and so on, but a particular ordering of society itself. “In the specified spheres of social welfare, sexuality, and education, to name only a few, the everyday lives of village Malays are being reconstituted according to new concepts, language, and procedures” (Ong 1987, 55). In nineteenth-century Europe, biopolitics took the form of the invention of the social alluded to in chapter 2; in important respects, the biopolitics of development continues the deployment of modernity and the governmentalization of social life in the Third World. Let us see how this worked in Colombia's DRI strategy.
As already mentioned, DRI subjected peasants to a set of well-coordinated and integrated programs that sought to transform them into rational, business-minded entrepreneurs. Thirteen different institutions (the number grew with DRI two) acted on the chosen peasants, all of them in charge of a specific aspect: credit, technical assistance, natural-resource management, health, education, organizational skills, women, commercialization, and sanitation. New practices were introduced: the integrated farm management methodology that DRI and other agents utilized to make farmers accept and follow a strict set of prescriptions; the preparation of a ficha técnica (technical register), which contained detailed information on family life, production, and health; and individualized assistance, which also required close coordination of most of the participating agencies. Peasants appeared as never before under the gaze of power.
AT: Poverty First is Good
Poverty is not the root cause – understanding the complexity of the issue is a pre-requisite to effective policy-making
Transitions 7 - registered 501c3 non-profit charity (EIN 83-0491008) working in Cambodia, restoring the lives of young girls rescued from sex trafficking
(Transitions Cambodia, “Let's Be Careful About Blaming Poverty For Sex Trafficking,” http://transitionsglobal.blogspot.com/2007/09/let-be-careful-about-blaming-poverty.html)//BB
Human sex trafficking is a complex issue. It has taken me the past three years to get my head around the subtleties in understanding the causes of this horrible travesty . Certainly poverty plays a role, but I have learned through experience, that sex trafficking is caused and exacerbated by numerous factors. The first and foremost reason for human trafficking in general is greed. Selling human beings is a big money business - everyday, billions of dollars are exchanged for human lives. One statistic claims that two children are trafficked every minute. Whether this is accurate or not, we do know that over a million people are enslaved annually.¶ In the commercial sex trade in particular, there are serious dollars at stake. Sex tourists, pedophiles, and a thriving local population engaged in prostitution feeds this multi-billion dollar industry. It was estimated in 2005, that in Cambodia alone, there was $500 million dollars at stake in sex trafficking and the commercial sex industry. This is staggering when you consider the impact these dollars have on legitimate tourism spending and internal governmental corruption.¶ But, let's get back to causes of child sex trafficking. We have covered greed in general, but there is another form of greed that is infecting Southeast Asia - materialism. Both Thailand and Vietnam are experiencing a significant economic boom - the per capita income in both countries has increased significantly, while the standard of living (at least in Vietnam) remains remarkably stable.¶ This means people are living better. Yet, families are still engaged in selling their own daughters - why? The answer is easy - money. Not money they need for food and clothing, but rather; money that they need to buy a new television, iPod, or other possessions that create the illusion of success and wealth. In Vietnam, the second largest city is An Giang. As of 2006, 90% of An Giang was in debt for purchases made on credit. An Giang is also a major source of young girls being brought into Cambodia for the purposes of sexual exploitation.¶ This is not rumor - it is a fact. I have seen this first hand and have dealt with the victims of this horrible crime. But, there are other factors. Laziness is another contributing cause. In some Asian cultures, it is expected that the children will actively work to support the families. This is not a cavalier statement - rather; this is a full year of traveling into the provinces of Cambodia and encountering able bodied parents that did not work. I cannot tell you how many families we have worked with, where the parents don't want to work or say they can't work, expecting their children to shoulder the burden of providing the families' income.¶ One young lady, I will call "Mandy", currently in our transitional living center, did not want to return home. We were out at the local market and talking about her family situation, when a young woman was crossing the street - she had a handicapped leg and a palsied arm. In her other hand was a can used for begging money. Mandy looked at me and said, "She has a reason to not work, but she does any way - what is my mothers excuse?"¶ Granted, this is not simple either - there are severe issues in a society suffering from post-traumatic stress, but this ambivelence has a two-fold effect - one, the children who are out working for the family don't attend school, which further dampers their ability to succeed in the 21st Century and two, it makes children vulnerable to expoitation. Girls are often recruited to work in karaoke bars, massage parlors, and brothels - first as errand girls, but later will be persuaded to make more money by 'greeting guests' (a local term for engaging in sex acts).¶ Ignorance is another factor. I am very cautious listing this, because it has been used as a false defense by parents, families, traffickers, and others - claiming they didn't know the girls would be abused. But, I have met sincere families wanting a better future for their daughters, who send them into the city or other situation, only to find later that they were fooled. Wonderful groups, like the Chab Dai Coalition in Cambodia are making inroads with prevention strategies to address this issue.¶ Don't get me wrong - poverty does plays a role. Cambodia as a whole is vulnerable to sex trafficking. But to believe that if we cure poverty, we cure sex trafficking, is naive. The two are connected, though not exclusive to each other. Particularly, not in the way some organizations would make the case. If Cambodia became the richest country in the world, sex trafficking would still be an issue. Sex trafficking infects every country at some level. Demand is the driving force with greed as its co-pilot. We have to approach human sex trafficking in a holistic way - understanding the complexity is the first step in finding ways to combat it.¶Poverty is on the list, but the more dangerous causes like materialism and greed are far more insidious. There are additional causes, so in the coming months, I will come back to this issue. If you have any insights or thoughts, let me know - I am interested in your response to this issue. Much of the media and press has not dealt with or addressed the causes, but rather; the symptoms of sex trafficking. In the meantime, let's keep poverty as a serious global issue affecting Cambodia, but not the principle reason girls are being sold into slavery.
Here’s a laundry list of push factors OTHER than poverty
Butcher 11 – Professional organizer and fundraiser for Global equity issues
(Simon, “POVERTY AND HUMAN TRAFFICKING: MYTH-BUSTING,” http://stopthetraffik.wordpress.com/2011/01/17/poverty-and-human-trafficking-myth-busting/)//BB
Last week, the Institute for Trafficked, Exploited and Missing Persons (ITEMP) published a new report identifying poverty as the root cause of human trafficking. “By finding the roots of the problem, we can begin to look for permanent solutions,” ITEMP Director of Operations Charles Moore said.¶ You can perhaps imagine the scene: the worldwide anti-trafficking movement sat together in a grand auditorium as the ‘root cause’ is announced. The lights go down, the room falls silent as the host opens the golden envelope, announcing… “And the root cause of human trafficking is….global poverty”.¶ There’s some polite clapping and some patting of backs, but the overwhelming feeling in the room is one of slight demoralization. “Well how are we meant to solve global poverty?” they ask each other. “So to stop trafficking we have to eliminate poverty first?” they whisper, disheartened. ¶ It goes without saying that tackling poverty is a massively important cause. But the good news is that combating trafficking does not require us to eradicate world poverty.¶ Myth number 1: “Poverty is the sole cause of human trafficking.”¶ Not only is blaming poverty alone for human trafficking disheartening, it’s also misleading and inaccurate. There may be a correlation between the two phenomena, and poverty almost certainly increases an individual’s vulnerability to trafficking, but so many other factors come into play too. To name but 5: the approach taken by law enforcement authorities to the issue; the legislative measures taken by national governments; global gender inequalities; the level of access to education; falling in love with the wrong guy… Most of these things can be shaped and influenced, and it’s up to us to do so.
Gender inequality is a better starting point
Fayomi 9 – Department of International Relations and Strategic Studies Covenant University Ota, Ogun State Nigeria
(OO, “Women, Poverty and Trafficking: A Contextual Exposition of the Nigerian Situation,” Journal of Management and Social Sciences, 5.1, Directory of Open Access Journals)
This paper argues that the issue of violation and non-implementation of women's rights¶to the feminization of poverty that forms the basis for women's active involvement in¶ human trafficking especially with regards to sex trade. It is indeed true that women play¶ major roles as recruiters, facilitators and sponsors in the trafficking chain in Nigeria.¶ However, the arguments in this paper tried to show that institutionalizedand systemic¶ discrimination and marginalization of women is the major factor that promotes the¶ pauperization of women and motivates their involvement in the human trafficking.¶ Furthermore, this paper argues that until the Government of Nigeria translates it commitments¶ on gender equality into practical action to affect the realities of the lives of women in¶ Nigeria, women's involvement in trafficking in Nigeria would be difficult to curb. It is¶ also important that the government builds the capacity of its Nigerian Immigration Service¶ and National Agency for Prohibition of Trafficking in Person and other related matters¶ (NAPTIP) to be able to actively prosecute perpetrators and act positively to protect¶ prospective and repatriated victims of human trafficking.
No offense – gender inequality explains poverty, not vice versa
Fayomi 9 – Department of International Relations and Strategic Studies Covenant University Ota, Ogun State Nigeria
(OO, “Women, Poverty and Trafficking: A Contextual Exposition of the Nigerian Situation,” Journal of Management and Social Sciences, 5.1, Directory of Open Access Journals)
It is therefore clear the failure of the state to guarantee the rights of women by ensuring¶ a life free from violence and discrimination promotes gender inequities, which also¶ reinforces and magnifiespoverty, powerlessness and vulnerability of the Nigerian women.¶ The inability of the state to provide security of lives and livelihoods, assure gainfully¶ employment; foster women effective integration and participation in decision making and¶ public life; initiate and operationalize key processes that will work to guarantee standard¶ quality 0 f life for its citizens especially marginalized social groups such as women and¶ youth makes it possible for these groups to seek other less desirable means of coping with¶ harsh realities of survival.
AT: Perm
Masking – The assumption that trafficking is primarily ECONOMIC is deterministic and agency-denying – turns the case
Constable 9 – PhD, Professor of Anthropology @ Pitt
(Nicole, “The Commodification of Intimacy: Marriage, Sex, and Reproductive Labor,” Annual Review of Anthropology, 10.1146/annurev.anthro.37.081407.085133)//BB
Studies of contemporary global migratory processes point to the importance of socioeconomic class transformations and related conflicts for workers and employers or clients. The “middle-class” educated identity of Filipina maids, for example, may be threatening to Taiwan or Hong Kong employers when the home is also an intimate workplace (Constable 2007b, Lan 2006) or can increase their perceived value relative to other nationalities of workers (de Regt 2008, Lan 2006). Conflicts exist between the class and educational identity of migrant Vietnamese or Chinese wives and their U.S. working-class husbands, and in the gendered desires of men who seek “traditional wives” abroad and women who seek “modern husbands” (Constable 2003, 2005b; Thai 2005, 2008). In a fascinating study of Brazilian erotic dancers in New York City, Maia (2007) illustrates the class/gender complexities of the situation as educated middle-class Brazilian women opt to work as dancers in nightclubs (as opposed to working as maids) where they provide intimate labor for working-class—or less-educated middle-class—U.S. men. In such cases, class identity is an important mediating factor in constructing and resisting commodified migrant subjectivities.¶ Ethnographies of migrant workers have examined a single ethnic group/nationality of workers in one location, for example, Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong (Constable 1997) or Mexican and Central American maids in Los Angeles (Hondagneu-Sotelo 2001). More recent studies have adopted more ambitious multisited research methodologies including multiple destinations, sending and receiving countries, and migrant workers as well as family members who are left behind (Cheng 2007, 2010; Frantz 2008; Gamburd 2000; Parreñas 2001, 2005a,b; Sim & Wee 2009). As Liebelt (2008) argues, migrant maids and caregivers often do not simply move back and forth from home to a single migrant destination and back again, but rather on and on from one destination to another that is higher on the global hierarchy of employment possibilities, thus requiring mobile research methodologies.¶ Clearly not all geographic mobility involves travel or migration of women or men from poorer countries to wealthier ones for work. A rich area of research examines movements of residents of richer countries, as in the case of tourists (Brennan 2004; Padilla 2007a,b; Wilson 2004) and astronaut families described above (Ong 1999, 2006; Piper & Roces 2003; Yeoh et al. 2005). Men and women tourists from wealthy countries of Asia-Pacific, Western Europe, North America, and elsewhere travel to regions of Southeast Asia, the Caribbean, Latin America, Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, and elsewhere for sexand in search of spouses. Whereas women also partake in sex tourism, and local men provide sexual intimacy to men and women, men from wealthy regions of the globe are widely depicted as the main beneficiaries and the consumers of such global intimacies (Brennan 2004; Cheng 2010; Frohlick 2007; Kelsky 2001; Padilla 2007a,b). Such studies increasingly consider new mobility patterns of elites and nonelites, the “costs and benefits” both to those who move and those who remain at home (Gamburd 2000, Parreñas 2005a), and, as discussed below, the role of new technologies in patterns, and the notions of love and authenticity that such relationships entail.¶ NEW TECHNOLOGIES OF CONSUMPTION¶ Arranged marriages and marriages based on correspondence are not new, nor is the employment of migrant maids or sex workers. New technologies offer unique methodological and theoretical challenges to ethnographers of transnational intimacies while also transforming the landscape of intimacy. The Internet plays a striking role in the proliferation of businesses that promote international marital introduction services (or offer mail-order brides). It shapes new procedures for recruiting, interviewing, and employing foreign maids across great geographic distances, and it proffers new opportunities to advertise and locate sexual services. Internet technology plays a central role in the commodification of intimacy and in shaping new movements and geographic and electronic landscapes of intimacy for individuals who are otherwise geographically dispersed (Brennan 2004; Constable 2003, 2007a). New technologies offer migrant workers new means to create and maintain a sense of intimacy with family members far away, as in the case of “long distance mothering” (Parreñas 2005a,b; Yeoh et al. 2005), to facilitate intimate communications between sex workers and boyfriends/clients (Brennan 2004, Cohen 1986), and to provide opportunities for prospective spouses to develop online intimacy before they meet face to face (Constable 2007a).¶ Since the early 1990s when so-called mail order bride catalogs began to be published and accessible online, the number of introduction agencies geared toward English speakers has rapidly proliferated (Constable 2005b). Recent studies of cross-border marriages, courtships, dating, and sexual partnerships of various sorts have pointed to new patterns of commodification and to rapid growth of profit-oriented and electronically mediated forms of matchmaking or marital introduction that facilitate wider global patterns of cross-border relationships (Johnson 2007, Johnson-Hanks 2007). Some marriage brokers promote international marriage partners as though they were commodities or offer services to facilitate the process of meeting and selecting partners from a wider globally defined “marriage market” (Constable 2003, 2005a; Freeman 2005, 2006; Piper & Roces 2003; Simons 2001; Thai 2008; Wang & Chang 2002).¶ Processes of online and electronic communication have influenced the purchase of sexual services because individual sex workers increasingly advertise online and communicate with prospective clients via the internet and without the need for middlemen or intermediaries (Agustin 2007a,b; Bernstein 2007a). As Bernstein's sensitive and fine-grained analysis shows, electronic communication leads to new opportunities and possibilities for intimate encounters and individual businesses and have literally redefined the spaces of sexual labor. As opposed to depending on older assumptions about red light districts and street walkers, patrons and clients can now advertise and locate one another invisibly and privately through the Internet.¶ The Internet has also had a major impact on the marketing and consumption of migrant domestic workers (Constable 2007b, Julag-Ay 1997, Lan 2006, Tyner 2009). Internet technology is one tool of domestic worker employment agencies (replacing videotapes and CDs with live Internet interviews). As is the case with online escort and dating services and marriage introduction services, the success of the business is based on creating and anticipating the desires of consumers or clients. The more “high quality” products or services they offer, the better the chance of selling the agency's services. A number of scholars have examined the role of domestic worker recruitment and employment agencies in marketing and selling products, distinguishing among different nationalities of workers, objectifying workers by offering specials, sales, markdowns, free replacements, and guarantees—in short, using the language of commodity markets to refer to workers—but less has been done in terms of analyzing its importance in creating new markets and transforming the spaces of labor. Unlike Bernstein's study of the spaces of sex work and the historical impact of technological change on both the meaning and consumption of sexual services, parallel analyses have yet to be produced in relation to domestic labor and the terrain of marriage.¶ An intellectual bridge is also needed to connect the technology of marriage, domestic work, and sex work to transformations and redefinitions of the meaning of family, drawing from the many insights of studies of technologically assisted parenting and the reproduction of children. Adoption and new reproductive technologies have provided a rich arena for anthropologists to revisit older theories of kinship and definitions of family (Edwards et al. 1993; Franklin & McKinnon 2000, 2002; Franklin & Ragoné 1998; Schneider 1968). Commodified processes of reproductive labor have led to important studies of diverse family forms that challenge prevailing patterns of heteronormativity (Lewin 1993, Weston 1991). New critiques of biologically deterministic theories of kinship have offered insights about commodified global and transnational processes (Bowie 2005, Cohen 2007, Dorow 2006, Howell 2003, McKinnon 2005, Orobitg & Salazar 2005, Padilla et al. 2007, Volkman 2005). Anthropologists have examined the sociocultural and political-economic implications of new procreative or reproductive services and mechanisms such as surrogate parenthood, egg or sperm donation, and local and international adoption that aim at facilitating the creation of families (Bharadwaj 2003; Franklin 1995; Ginsburg & Rapp 1995; Inhorn & Birenbaum-Carmeli 2008; Modell 1994; Nahman 2006; Ragoné 1994, 1996; Sharp 2001; Strathern 1985, 1992a,b). Work remains to be done to link the insights relating to the reproductive technologies with technologically mediated and transnational intimacies.¶ LOVE, PERFORMANCE, AND AUTHENTICITY¶ The commodification of social relations in the era of industrial capitalism stands in supposed contrast to Marx's nostalgic ideal of the “social character” of familial labor in precapitalist peasant families (Marx 1978, p. 326). Yet despite common idealization of precapitalist social relations, social relationships that are represented and defined by gifts, bride wealth, dowry, and payments are not unambiguous, free of conflict, or unmarked by inequality or instrumentalism (Bloch & Parry 1989, Comaroff 1979, Mauss 1967). Commodification is likewise rarely simply given, unambiguous, or complete, as illustrated by Zelizer's analysis of monetary exchanges, intimate social relations, and legal disputes in the West (2000, 2005). The social science perspective that places moral boundaries between market and domestic spheres has been labeled the “hostile worlds view” (Zelizer 2000). The conflation of intimate social relations with monetary value is criticized by those who imagine a more altruistic or authentic precapitalist past or who view the domestic sphere as a proper shelter from the harsh and impersonal world of market capitalism. Yet the question remains of how the commodification of intimate relations is understood and experienced by those involved in such relationships and processes. A key concern is–as the title of Brennan's (2004) study of sex workers in the Dominican Republic aptly puts it—What's Love Got to do With It?¶ The historical meaning and construction of love, its performance and authenticity, are rich and promising areas of inquiry, as the following diverse examples illustrate. Whereas Brennan (2004, 2007) approaches Dominican women's relationships with foreign men, some of which result in marriage, as “performances” in which sex workers feign love to mask the economic exchange and the benefits they receive, other scholars define them in terms of “bounded authenticity” (Bernstein 2007a,b) or in terms of historical constructions of romantic intimacy (Giddens 1992, Hirsch 2007, Padilla et al. 2007).¶ Numerous studies examine cultural constructions of love and romance in a variety of geographic settings (Jankowiak 1995), considering how they are commodified in terms of material expectations, gift exchanges, and mass-mediated images of modern romance (Ahearn 2001, Hirsch 2004, Hirsch & Wardlow 2006, Illouz 1997, Jankowiak 1995, Padilla et al. 2007, Rebhun 1999). Commodification may be hidden, disguised, mystified, denied, or reinterpreted as a gift or experienced as liberating and modern (Russ 2005). In the context of Europe and the United States, Bernstein argues that “traditional ‘procreative’” and “modern ‘companionate’” models of sexuality are increasingly being supplanted by a “recreational sexual ethic” that differs from marital or ongoing relationships and is defined by “physical sensation and from emotionally bounded erotic exchanges” (2007b, p. 6). She argues that the “girlfriend experience” increasingly offered by sex workers and often located via the Internet is an example of “bounded authenticity” in which not only eroticism but also an “authentic relationship” (albeit within a bounded frame) is for sale in the marketplace (Bernstein 2007b, p.7). Allison's research among Japanese salary men who frequent hostess clubs and engage prostitutes focuses on how hostesses serve to make men “feel like men” and that men gain satisfaction from “care” they receive and the lack of ongoing responsibility that accompanies payment for sexual and intimate attention in hostess clubs and on sex tours abroad, in contrast with their domestic lives and relationships with their wives (Allison 1994).¶ These examples suggest that commodification of intimacy is not an analytical end in itself, but instead offers a valuable starting point for analyses of gendered social relations, cultural meanings, social inequalities, and capitalist transformations (Appadurai 1986). In a provocative volume on modernity, companionate marriage, and romantic courtship, Hirsch & Wardlow illustrate the promise of such comparative ethnographic analyses (Hirsch & Wardlow 2006). In her study of the Huli of Papua New Guinea, Wardlow notes that Seventh-Day Adventist missionaries criticized the Huli (as other Christian missionaries did of other groups) for the exchange of bride wealth, which they argued “commoditizes women and weakens the proper bonds of marriage” (Wardlow 2006, p. 66). Yet the decline of bride wealth among the Huli and in other societies has not meant that within “the context of capitalism, the home becomes ideologically demarcated as the safe haven of emotional intimacy, a place where one recovers from the alienation of the marketplace” (Wardlow 2006, p. 74). Instead, the meanings and importance of commodities are transformed in relation to particular local understandings of modernity as related to subjectivity and intimate relationships (Ahearn 2001, Chao 2005, Rebhun 1999).¶ Faier's work on professions of love among Filipina entertainers who marry Japanese men is groundbreaking. Instead of questioning the authenticity of women's professions of love for their husbands, or treating them as feigned performances, Faier asks how such declarations are “made meaningful through global processes” (2007, p. 148). Faier argues that Filipinas' professions of love serve to counteract the stigma of their work and to define their transnational subjectivities. Love is also associated with the care (including gifts and monetary remittances for their families) and understanding offered to women by their husbands. Following Rebhun's view of Christian love in opposition to financial gain, Faier stresses women's constructions of new gendered and sexualized subjectivities in relation to modernity, Christianity, and Philippine notions of utang ng loob (a debt of gratitude) that encompass the meaning of love (Faier 2007, p. 156) in relation to the notion of shame, which results from a failure to respect and repay one to whom it is owed. As discussed below, Faier's analytical approach to love also has important implications for the debate about migrant women as agents or victims of trafficking.¶As scholarship on transnational intimacies illustrates, relationships assumed to be based primarily on paid work for money are often understood to involve complex forms of intimacy, love, or emotion, and those assumed to be based on love are linked in new and evolving ways to commercial practices and material desires.¶ BEYOND TRAFFICKED VICTIMS¶ A central theme in critical popular media and certain activist and feminist depictions of women who migrate from poorer countries to wealthier ones as maids, brides, or sex workers is that they are powerless “victims of trafficking.”2 So-called mail-order brides are depicted as though they are literally bought and sold and connected to human trafficking, although little actual evidence exists to support this position (Constable 2005c, Vance 2005).¶ Building on Foucault's idea that power is everywhere, much anthropological attention has been paid in recent decades to revealing instances of resistance and agency among the relatively powerless (Martin 1987, Ortner 2006, Parker 2005). In opposition to popular media images of helpless victims, ethnographic research has provided numerous examples of migrant women's activism, their subtle or explicit protests, and their resistance and agency within the context of structural factors that limit the opportunities and often disempower foreign brides, migrant domestic workers, and sex workers (Brennan 2004; Constable 1997, 2009; Kempadoo 2005; Kempadoo & Doezema 1998; Parker 2005; Parreñas 2008).¶ Unlike popular media depictions of trafficked women as commodities devoid of agency, anthropologists point to subtle and complex forms of power and agency within the household, in public spaces, and in the wider global context. Studies of care workers reposition older arguments about emotional labor as a gift or commodity in terms of, for example, the “commodity candidacy” of care, the relationality of partners in exchange, or the phenomenology of gift and commodity in relation to the self (Appadurai 1986, Ehrenreich & Hochschild 2003, Kopytoff 1986, Russ 2005, Valeri 1994).¶ Scholarship on gendered migration points to striking contrasts between the gendered migration of (mostly girl) babies who are adopted from China and elsewhere by European and North American middle-class, mostly white and heterosexual, parents and the migration of foreign brides and workers who face a markedly different migration process. Whereas forming a family through adoption is viewed as the right and privilege of middle-class families, and transnational adoptees are assumed to grow up to be privileged citizens, other types of immigrants face vastly different circumstances. Whereas adoptees, like migrant brides and workers, are sometimes characterized as trafficked or as part of a commodified process, adoptees are more likely to be depicted as the fortunate beneficiaries of such a process (Anagnost 2000, Cohen 2007, Constable 2003, Dorow 2006, Volkman 2005). In her study of U.S. adoptions of Chinese children, Dorow considers how discourse and processes of commodification are counterbalanced and opposed to parental understandings of children as gifts who will also receive the gift of good life and opportunity (Dorow 2006).¶ Anthropologists, sociologists, and feminist scholars have examined migratory patterns that build on or contrast with older forms of arranged marriage and matchmaking, have reconsidered older patterns of gift exchange and marriage payments, and have criticized Levi-Straussian structural assumptions about the “traffic in women” (Bloch & Parry 1989, Comaroff 1979, MacCormack & Strathern 1980, Rubin 1975). More recent scholarly research on sex work, sex tourism, prostitution, and comfort women points to the fluidity between paid sexual labor and marital relations and to interconnections between paid forms of intimacy and those that are assumed to be “free” (Bernstein 2007a,b; Brennan 2004; Cabezas 2004; Cheng 2007; Cohen 1982, 1986; Liechty 2005; Padilla 2007a,b; Piper & Roces 2003; Zelizer 2000).¶The agent-victim binary has proven to be a dead endof sorts. Whereas certain feminist scholars and activists argue that all sex workers are victims, other scholars and feminists can respond with endless examples of agency and choice. Instead, scholars such as Augustín (2007a,b), Bernstein (2007a,b), Vance (2005), and others take on a critical analysis of the notion of trafficking, considering its historical specificity and the parallels between late-twentieth-century anxiety about trafficking and nineteenth-century hysteria about white slavery. Several scholars have drawn attention to both sex workers and their middle-class “social helpers” or nongovernmental workers and volunteers who often aim to help or rescue sex workers in misguided ways (Augustín 2007a, Bloch 2003, Cheng 2005). Anthropologists have also addressed methodological challenges associated with research on trafficking and have criticized rhetorical conflations of trafficking with prostitution (Brennan 2005, 2008; Vance 2005).¶ Faier's work (2007) discussed above offers a valuable alternative to the victim-agent binary. She focuses on the transnational gendered and sexual subjectivities of migrant women and successfully steers an analytical course away from the question of “true love versus material motivations,” thus offering an important advance over the dead-end question of depicting women migrants as either passive victims who lack the ability to make choices or active agents who have full control of their circumstances. Faier's analysis illustrates unequal global power relations within the context of women's self-definitions. Loving their husbands resonates with their sense of self as moral and modern women and wives. The lure of the Japanese entertainment industry for poor and unemployed Filipinas, the opportunities that such employment offers for intimate socialization with Japanese men, and the shortage of Japanese brides in rural regions of Japan illustrate ways in which capitalist processes promote new opportunities for intimacy and marriage that are influenced by, but not entirely defined by, the entertainment or sex work industry.¶ CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS¶ Recent studies of the changing local and global patterns, processes, and relations of intimacy build on and borrow from older critiques of overly binary models of public and private, intimate and impersonal, material and emotional, love and money, local and global, nature and culture (Franklin 2003; Franklin & McKinnon 2000, 2002; Levine 2003; McKinnon & Silverman 2005; Zelizer 2000). Some such studies refine older Marxist notions of commodification and reproductive labor or point to the ongoing importance of Maussian insights about gift exchange and the intimacy of social relationships. Collectively they draw on symbolic and interpretive analyses, critical global and feminist perspectives, and new anthropological insights that are linked to wider multisited and transnational ethnographic research that looks beyond local-global dichotomies, yet draws insight from older assumptions about kinship and social relations within increasingly global, mobile, and technologically mediated contexts.¶ Current anthropological studies demonstrate that in some contexts commodification of social relations are welcomed and interpreted as modern progress, as in the cases of child care and elderly care, which were once the responsibility of family members but can now be delegated to paid service providers. Yet even in such cases, commodification, or “the purchase of intimacy” (Zelizer 2000, 2005), is not the end point of the analysis nor is it devoid of countervailing personalized processes, assumptions, and anxieties. Instead, commodification and the accompanying notions of impersonal pragmatic market relations are often denied, mystified, mediated, transformed, or disguised. As the scope of commodification expands more deeply into various realms of intimacy, it involves a range of countervailing discourses and actions involving reciprocity and gift giving, claims to altruism, assertions of love, and claims to bounded authenticity.¶ This review has outlined some of the key contributions of the literature on cross-border marriages, domestic work, and sex work that addresses the commodification of intimacy. Methodologically, there is a marked shift toward multisited research away from narrow “area studies” approaches, toward border-crossing topics that require mobility as well as online and “deterritorialized” research (Gupta & Ferguson 1992). Promising new research has shifted from single nationalities and single locations, moving beyond binary constructions of sending and receiving locations to multiple hierarchies of sites and subjectivities.¶ Another key issue has been and continues to be gender and sexuality. Studies of transnational intimacies echo the shift in anthropology and migration studies more broadly, from the earliest topics of men as unexamined gendered subjects, to women, to gender more broadly. Still lacking are studies of men as intimate gendered subjects, as providers of care work and intimacy, and not just as consumers of sexual services. A fruitful direction for future research is also to question and move beyond the frames and assumptions of heteronormativity that are inherent in much of the research on transnational intimacies. As Babb (2006) proposes, “queering” love and globalization requires reexamining assumptions about domesticity, marriage, and gender that are deeply held by research subjects and researchers. Berlant's call for cataloging “intimacy's norms, forms and crimes,” asking “how public institutions use issues of intimate life to normalize particular forms of knowledge and practice and to create compliant subjects” (1998, p. 188) is well worth considering.¶ The value of future research therefore lies not in bemoaning the downfall of the sanctity of the domestic sphere or the demise of authentic relations outside the realm of capital, but instead, in continuing to attend to the multiple, complex, transnational, and also transgressive and transformative ways in which emotional ties and relationships are understood, formulated, or prohibitedwithin and beyond local and global spaces. Studies such as those of Bernstein (2007a,b) and Faier (2007) point to the importance of fine-grained historically and culturally specific studies of intimacy in relation to new technologies and opportunities for mobility. Such studies continue to ask how authenticity is understood and experienced, offering opportunities as well as constraints. Globalization does not simply result in greater commodification of intimate sexual, marital, and reproductive relationships; it also offers opportunities for defining new sorts of relationships and for redefining spaces, meanings, and expressions of intimacy that can transform and transgress conventional gendered spaces and norms.¶ Future research would benefit by further examining the pairing of commodification and intimacy, casting them as the main topic rather than separating out topical foci on marriage, household work, sex work, nursing, adoption, etc. We must ask not only what differentiates erotic dance and hospice care, but also what such multiple and varied examples can tell us about the meaning of intimacy for all involved. The focus on transnational mobility of both elites and nonelites within neoliberal globalization and the ongoing tension between more complex microlevel patterns of power and agency and broader macro patterns of global inequality are also key. Research on the structural factors and the experiences and meanings of migrant work and marriage have made important inroads, allowing us to avoid the pitfalls of overly binary notions of victim and agent, public and private, or the trap of defining all women migrants or sex workers as trafficked victims. Yet there are risks and benefits associated with the notion of commodification. This notion both offers a way to illuminate power relations inherent in a variety of intimate relations but also can overdetermine thepolitical-economic frame, thus masking the multiplicity of power and the potentially liberating and transformative aspects of intimate subjectivities.
Footnoting DA – the 1ac’s focus on ECONOMIC trafficking shapes enforcement. Even when combined, developmental approaches crowd-out productive policies.
Zhang 12 – PhD, Postdoctoral Fellow at the Asia Research Institute of the National University of Singapore
(Juan, A trafficking ‘not-spot’ in a China-Vietnam border town,” in Labor Migration and Human Trafficking in Southeast Asia: Critical Perspectives, p. 95-96)//BB
A Molland (this volume) points out, in order for an anti-trafficking programme to have a tangible effect, trafficking hotspots must be discursively constructed prior to the fashioning of specific steps to combat trafficking in that particular place.In other words, specific geographic locations perceived to be prone to human trafficking must be first isolated, selected and targeted regardless of whether ‘real trafficking’ takes place in these ‘high risk’ locations.Rural areas with high levels of poverty and out-bound mobility are often identified as hotspots (see Sharma 2003 Zhao 2003 Samarasinghe 2008 also see Eilenberg in this volume).Molland (this volume) criticizes the underlying assumptions that guide the current anti-trafficking framework, which identifies target groups (both perpetrators and victims), trends of mobility and migration, observable trafficking locations and enduring routes for human transportation.The ways in which certain localities are market out illustrate how well-intended intervention programmes can become a self-serving pursuit detached from social reality.¶ However, the construction of hotspots paints only half of the picture.Using Hekou as an example, I sketch out the less visible, but equally powerful, construction of a trafficking ‘not-spot,’ showing why particular border towns are not identified as high risk locations even when all symptoms of trafficking are unmistakably manifest.These deliberate absences and silences sometimes speak more to the contentious nature of the anti-trafficking hyper-discourse because these are the moments that mark its limits.In short, despite the high profile of anti-trafficking initiatives, at the local level they are often de-prioritizedin favour of development efforts that bring tangible benefits to the local economy.Thus while the anti-trafficking remains discursively relevant along the China-Vietnam border, flexible translations and interpretations of this framework render it more rhetorical than pragmatic.
The 1ac’s discussion of poverty PRECLUDES the permutation
Fayomi 9 – Department of International Relations and Strategic Studies Covenant University Ota, Ogun State Nigeria
(OO, “Women, Poverty and Trafficking: A Contextual Exposition of the Nigerian Situation,” Journal of Management and Social Sciences, 5.1, Directory of Open Access Journals)
Having established the direct linkages between women, poverty and trafficking, a critical¶ gender analysis of women's role in trafficking will reveal that discriminatory social, cultural¶ and political systems that marginalize and subordinate women is at the very foundation¶ of motivating women to populate this business of trafficking for sex. One would argue¶ ordinarily that cultural and moral attributes of virtue in addition to the gender roles of¶ femininness would expectantly act as stop guards to the promoting the alien culture of¶ prostitution. It appears however, that the patriarchal forces of dominion and control and¶ the desire for women to assert control to individuality and visibility are the dual competing¶ factors that have led women to employ the weapon of trafficking for sex as a way of¶ gaining societal importance and visibility.¶ Sen et al (1993), capability framework places the ability to achieve human development¶ as the central goal and objective of development. The inability to achieve human development¶ is by implication a cause and consequence of Poverty. Also, the capability theory goes¶ further to suggest linkages between the lack of capabilities among disadvantaged social¶ groups and their vulnerability to poverty. In the case of women, trafficking and poverty,¶ various hypothetical postulations come to mind around the issues of capability. Some of¶ these burning questions include the following - (a) Is it the inadequate development of the¶ capabilities of women as a social group that increases their vulnerability to poverty and¶ thus places then in a position to take to human trafficking as form of ensuring access to¶ economic empowerment?- (b)Or could it also be as a result of the inability of the state to¶ ensure accountability to removing discriminatory factors that marginalize women with¶ political, social and economic institutions and structures? (c) Or could it also be explained¶ that women by nature are more prone to be materialistically inclined that they are more¶ inclined to take advantage of any opportunity to increase their wealth status.¶ Whitehead and Lockwood (1999) contrast approaches that treat poverty statically, as an¶ analysis of categories and characteristics, with those adopting a dynamic analysis of¶ poverty, seeing it as the relational processes of impoverishment or accumulation. They¶ contend that the link between gender and poverty lies at the level of process, and social¶ and economic relations. For this link to be established, they suggest that poverty must be¶ analyzed as relation and process, as must gender. Also in their conclusion, they argues¶ that it is impossible to integrate gender into an understanding of poverty unless the reading¶ of evidence, analysis and policy are all based on these relational processes of impoverishment¶ or accumulation.
Security K
FW
Discursive securitization shapes policy responses
Stinson 11 – MA in International Studies @ Dalhousie University (Canada)
(Ainsley, “The Securitization of Sex Trafficking: A Comparative Case Study of Sweden and the United States,” Proquest Dissertations/Theses)//BB
The implications of securitization can be attributed to both the processes, and also the costs of securitization itself. While the processes of securitization have normative effects (Ohlsson, 2010; n.p.), securitization, in general, affects the way the issue was handled, and what issues were prioritized (Rushton, 2010; p. 1). All of these implications affect the trafficked victims and local society in each state, as well as international relations.¶ The implications for the processes of securitization are largely normative. The rates of trafficking remain uncertain, although they are often claimed to be reduced, and perspectives on the success of securitization in terms of reducing sex trafficking are contradictory. For example, Hubbard et al. (2008) asserted that the Swedish approach is primarily symbolic for both prostitution and sex trafficking since although it may have become less visible, it also may have been pushed further underground rather than actually eliminated (p. 147). The Swedish model is largely recognized for having a normative approach, changing attitudes of men in Sweden and traffickers’ perceptions of Sweden as an ideal destination state for sex trafficking. For example, it has been claimed that Sweden is less attractive to traffickers than other states (Department of¶ Global Development, 2003; p. 31). On the other hand, Jakobsson and Kotsadam (2010) found in their study examining the prevalence of sex trafficking in relation to prostitution laws that “trafficking of women for commercial sexual exploitation is least prevalent in countries where prostitution is illegal, most prevalent in countries where prostitution is legalized, and in between in those countries where prostitution is legal but procuring illegal” (p. 4). This implies that the US should have one of the lowest rates of sex trafficking, relative to other states. The implications of each process on actually reducing the amount of sex trafficking in their state remains uncertain and highlights a significant area in need of further research.¶ Securitization in general has implications in both cases, for trafficked victims and women. It is financially expensive and puts a significant focus on state security rather than human security. This has been criticized by many feminists49 who often highlight that securitization has made sex trafficking more harmful for victims and disregards female agency in the decision to migrate in the first place. This may be true, as reports often state that victims are deported, regardless of their safety upon returning to their home state (Lobasz, 2009; p. 320; Friesendorf, 2007; p. 291; Desyllas, 2007; p. 68; and Bucken-Knapp et al., 2012; p. 2). In both Sweden and the US, victims can qualify for permanent residence visas; however, both states hold the condition that the victims must assist in the prosecution of the sex trafficker (Andrijasevic, 2007; p. 25; Desyllas, 2007; p. 67). Lack of security for the individuals is a major concern and highlights the need for further integration of a human security perspective in the prosecution processes (Lobasz, 2009; p. 323).
Link – Domestic Security
Focus on domestic security turns the case – prevents international cooperation and leads to endless re-trafficking
Huckerby and Gu 10 - *Jennifer, Adjunct Assistant Professor of Clinical Law and Research Director of the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice @ NYU, **April, International Human Rights Clinic
(“Beyond Borders: Exploring Links Between Trafficking, Globalization and Security, http://www.gaatw.org/publications/WP_on_Globalisation.pdf)//BB
The focus on security of the countries of destination and not¶origin results in strategies that favour deportation and deprioritise safe reintegration. It is important to remember that¶the security approach to trafficking is mainly concerned with the¶ security of the destination country and not that of the country of¶origin.180 This leads to an emphasis on removing the threat—the¶ migrant—without any reflection on the individual’s reasons for¶ migration or the conditions in their country of origin to which¶ they are being returned. This ignores those situations where¶ trafficked persons are deported back to the border of their country¶ but the governments do not want their citizens back (e.g. the¶Burmese in Thailand), leaving these undocumented persons¶ vulnerable to trafficking. In addition, the focus on the security¶ situation of destination countries means that little attention is¶ paid to robust international co-operation to support effective¶ reintegration of trafficked persons in their countries of origin,¶ where there may be separate and pressing security crises.181
Link – Border Training
Customs training securitizes trafficking – turns case
Jackson 4 – PhD @ London School of Economics, Professor @ Simon Fraser University
(Nicole, “International Organizations and the “Securitisation” of Human and Narcotic Trafficking in Post-Soviet Central Asia,” Paper presented at the Research Workshop on Illegal Migration and Non- traditional Security, Beijing, Scholar)//BB
There is some evidence that the securitisation of clandestine activities in general may be leading to not the most effective mix of strategies being used to combat them.56 Most international and state efforts have been in the area of traditional security policies to train militaries, to create safer state borders and to reform security and law enforcement organs. In some cases these are important, however military actions in combating transnational clandestine activities are limited, and borders can never be made totally secure. Even providing training and equipment to law enforcement officials is contentious because many of them are already complicit in these crimes. In the case of human trafficking, these strategies are not only severely limited they often harmful to the migrants. Moreover, “ ... A vicious cycle is developing whereby Central Asian countries are taking action to limit cross-border movement of peoples and goods in the name of security which, in turn, hinders the legitimate movement of people and goods and the medium-term prospects for economic growth in the region.” 57 Also, international organizations’ funds may be being siphoned off by the authoritarian states, and used to repress their peoples’ human rights.
Law enforcement fails
Ergas 12 - Adjunct Professor of International and Public Affairs Associate Director, Institute for the Study of Human Rights A graduate of the Universities of Sussex and Rome and Columbia Law School, Ergas is a former member of the School of Social Science of the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton; fellow of the Center for European Studies at Harvard University; and a Pembroke Fellow of Brown University. Among other honors, she has been awarded fellowships and grants from the American Council of Learned Societies, the Ford Foundation and the Italian Consiglio Nazionale della Ricerca. Ergas has served on the staff of the Social Science Research Council and as a consultant to leading international organizations, including the OECD and UNESCO. She led a working group of the Committee on International Trade of the New York City Bar Association on child labor and international trade. She practiced law at Skadden, Arps, Slate, Meagher and Flom, and Studio Legale Pedersoli. More recently, she served as the coordinator of, and an adviser to, the gender program of the Millennium Villages Project, as an advisor to the Human Rights Commission of the City of New York, and on the Human Rights Program Education and Information Resources Working Group of the American Association for the Advancement of Science. (Yasmin, “The Great Debate: Is law enforcement alone enough to reduce human trafficking?”, 12/05/12, Columbia SIPA Journal of International Affairs, http://jia.sipa.columbia.edu/great-debate-human-trafficking)//AY
How can law enforcement alone ever be enough? We can’t simply prosecute our way to social justice. Of course people who exploit people should be punished. But definitions of trafficking often cast a wide net, encompassing all sex workers. If Californians want to prosecute the brokers more harshly that’s one thing but not all sex work is coerced. Several victims of trafficking backed Prop 35; they believe it will provide a much-needed deterrent and make a statement about the values that the state endorses. But even if Prop 35 makes it costlier for middle-men to do their job and acknowledges the suffering of their victims, that is not enough to solve the problem of people who are forced to provide services they don’t want to give and to toil in illegality. Will their lives improve? When the penalties are harsher the exploitation often becomes harsher too: sex workers are forced (even further) underground; they may become more, not less, susceptible to abuse and less, not more, likely to seek help. Prop 35 protects sex workers found to be victims of trafficking from criminal prosecution. That seems helpful, even though it does not cover all sex workers. But real improvement requires more than partial decriminalization. Prop 35 also assigns 70% of the proceeds from fines to victim services. Housing, counseling, medical care are essential. But this is not sufficient for a progressive policy. The reasons why people are trafficked begin well before they are coerced into sex work and are not only related to the demand for their services. We need to concentrate on the conditions that produce the market and that lead it to be the dangerous place that it is today. Ultimately, that’s where we should concentrate our political energies, policy research, and creativity.
Link – Organized Crime
Rhetorically linking human trafficking to organized crime creates policy blinders – leads to panicked policy-making and increased trafficking
Huckerby and Gu 10 - *Jennifer, Adjunct Assistant Professor of Clinical Law and Research Director of the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice @ NYU, **April, International Human Rights Clinic
(“Beyond Borders: Exploring Links Between Trafficking, Globalization and Security, http://www.gaatw.org/publications/WP_on_Globalisation.pdf)//BB
Security approaches that emphasise the links between organised¶ crime, terrorism, and trafficking misidentify the nature of¶trafficking networks and skew prevention efforts. While it is¶likely that some human trafficking is the work of organised crime¶syndicates, this oversimplifies the problem. Trafficking also results¶ from “disorganized crime,” i.e. “individuals or small groups linked¶ on an ad-hoc basis.”182¶This focus on organised crime networks therefore causes¶ government actors to miss incidences of trafficking because they¶ are not trained to see the “disorganized crime” networks. It also¶ ignores government complicity in facilitating trafficking, either¶ through restrictive labour and migration policies or corruption of¶ government officials in selling undocumented workers to¶ traffickers.¶• The perceived link between trafficking and the “war” on¶ terrorism or organised crime creates incentives for authorities¶ to increase policing responses that are coercive and globalised.¶The securitisation of trafficking serves as justification for¶ expanding global policing and the globalisation of authoritarian¶ security regimes. The “war on terror,” like the idea of a “war”¶on drugs or crime, “creates a generalised anxiety which has neither¶ measurable effects nor clear solutions,”183 but where criminalisation¶ of migrants and compromises to human rights of some (i.e. noncitizens, undocumented migrants, the “Other”) are accepted as¶ necessary to ensure the security of the majority.
Impact – Imperialism
Securitization justifies imperial impositions
Stinson 11 – MA in International Studies @ Dalhousie University (Canada)
(Ainsley, “The Securitization of Sex Trafficking: A Comparative Case Study of Sweden and the United States,” Proquest Dissertations/Theses)//BB
In addition to individuals, securitization of sex trafficking has implications for international relations. While Sweden has worked on building cooperation with other states, the US has created sanctions imposing necessary requirements for action. While both policies may have the positive effect of raising awareness and increasing political attention and priority to the issue of sex trafficking, it has also been a means for the US to gain international leverage over other states’ actions. As Desyllas (2007) claimed, the US is a state that has “domineering policies and imperialistic frameworks and ideologies that are imposed upon the rest of the world” (p. 58).
Impact – Turns Case
Turns case – leads to RE-TRAFFICKING
Huckerby and Gu 10 - *Jennifer, Adjunct Assistant Professor of Clinical Law and Research Director of the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice @ NYU, **April, International Human Rights Clinic
(“Beyond Borders: Exploring Links Between Trafficking, Globalization and Security, http://www.gaatw.org/publications/WP_on_Globalisation.pdf)//BB
A security approach has led to tighter border security and more¶ restrictive migration regimes, which fuels clandestine and insecure¶ movement and heightens the potential for trafficking. Repressive¶ border control policies may encourage greater resort to clandestine¶ movement and make migration more dangerous and expensive,172 in¶some cases increasing migrants’vulnerabilities to traffickers. In Togo,¶for example, the implementation of the anti-trafficking law and strict¶border controls did not reduce the trafficking flow, but instead altered¶migration and trafficking routes.173 According to GAATW and La Strada¶International: “Years of implementing a restrictive approach to migration¶and immigration policies by the EU have not resulted in a decreased¶ migration, but rather have left migrants more vulnerable to irregular¶ forms of migration, including smuggling and trafficking for labour and¶ other forms of exploitation.”174 In addition, trafficked individuals who¶ are deported as a result of increased border patrols may also be more¶vulnerable to re-trafficking.175
Devastates rights of trafficked individuals
Huckerby and Gu 10 - *Jennifer, Adjunct Assistant Professor of Clinical Law and Research Director of the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice @ NYU, **April, International Human Rights Clinic
(“Beyond Borders: Exploring Links Between Trafficking, Globalization and Security, http://www.gaatw.org/publications/WP_on_Globalisation.pdf)//BB
A security approach privileges co-operative anti-trafficking¶arrangements that are dominated by “coerciveactors,” such as¶Ministries of Interior, which undermines the human rights of trafficked¶ persons.176 A study of counter-trafficking co-operation arrangements¶in Southeast Europe between 2001 and 2006 determined that joint¶ anti-trafficking initiatives were dominated by a security or law¶ enforcement bias to the detriment of the human rights of trafficked¶ persons and the formation and implementation of effective prevention¶ strategies.177¶• In the current security discourse, there is limited scope for redefining¶ security in a way that does not prompt a protectionist response. The¶concept of “human security” seeks to subvert the security discourse by¶making it something that focuses on ensuring, rather than depriving,¶rights. However, the concept of human security can trigger a protectionist¶ response,178 something that, in the anti-trafficking context, has had¶ negative impacts for ensuring the rights of trafficked persons.¶ The predominance of a security framework may diminish service¶provision to trafficked persons. This is either because they are¶ seen as a threat or because governments are otherwise “preoccupied”¶ with countering terrorism179 and prosecuting traffickers, diminishing¶ their capacity for assistance and resource distribution for trafficked¶ persons.
Alternative
Alternative is to separate counter-terrorism and anti-trafficking
Huckerby and Gu 10 - *Jennifer, Adjunct Assistant Professor of Clinical Law and Research Director of the Center for Human Rights and Global Justice @ NYU, **April, International Human Rights Clinic
(“Beyond Borders: Exploring Links Between Trafficking, Globalization and Security, http://www.gaatw.org/publications/WP_on_Globalisation.pdf)//BB
The trend to link trafficking with terrorism and organised crime prioritises a¶ law enforcement rather than human rights approach, in which trafficked persons¶ are seen as criminals and national security threats and service provision to¶ trafficked persons is diminished. These security efforts result in tighter border¶ security, which in turn fuels clandestine and insecure movement, heightening¶ the potential for trafficking. Based on our understanding of security and its¶impacts on trafficking of women, we recommend the following:¶Governments and inter-governmental organisations should:¶• Separatecounter-terrorism measures from anti-trafficking measures,¶as this will help “ensure that trafficked persons are neither criminalized¶ nor stigmatized, and their human rights are ensured.” 19
AT: Securitization Good
Securitization backfires – leads to restrictions on migration that make trafficking more likely
Loubser 9 – MA in Global Studies
(Reinet, “Human Trafficking In Southern Africa,” Proquest Dissertations and Theses)//BB
On examining human trafficking on an international and a regional scale, it would appear that much is still lacking with regards to accurate and reliable information about the problem. Much of what is known is based on studies that were short on the number of victims found and short in terms of time span. Anecdotal evidence has been used to make estimations of the nature and scope of human trafficking that appear to be unrealistic on closer study. The results from South Africa’s only quantitative study on human trafficking seem to reflect what critics of anti-trafficking campaigns in South Africa and abroad have been saying: there is no evidence to suggest that the high estimates of human trafficking victims are accurate. To the contrary, human trafficking as a reality seems to be an activity that happens on a much smaller scale than people are led to believe.¶ The discourse on human trafficking, however, seems to be far removed from this reality. The TIP discourse is still dominated by the aforementioned unrealistic estimations of the problem. It is also a discourse heavily influenced by emotions and personal opinions. At this stage, anti-trafficking campaigns and actions are seemingly driven by the political agendas of the actors that have hijacked the issue rather than by any factual basis. The genuine concern of states, NGOs and other civil society groups have led them to respond to the horrific stories of human trafficking for sexual exploitation. There is no doubting the good intentions of many involved in the fight against human trafficking. However, many of the actors involved also happen to have other interests: many of the most involved NGOs have political agendas such as the criminalisation of prostitution; states on the other hand, have taken the opportunity to tighten regulations regarding migration, terrorism and organised crime. Very few actors have initiated in-depth qualitative studies of the sort needed to establish the reality of the situation so that appropriate action can be taken.
Exaggeration TURNS human rights – even if people are “motivated” it creates policy failures
Loubser 9 – MA in Global Studies
(Reinet, “Human Trafficking In Southern Africa,” Proquest Dissertations and Theses)//BB
Furthermore, a growing number of scholars have begun to question whether human trafficking is the threat that it is represented as. Many have criticised the anti-trafficking campaigners for sensationalising TIP and for scaremongering, especially since the result of the anti-trafficking campaigns have sometimes been the restriction on the choices and movements of people (especially women from the developing world). Until further research proves otherwise, the critics have the facts on their side. Treating human trafficking as a big security threat when it is not, not only undermines human rights but also runs of waiting precious resources – something that a region like southern Africa can ill afford.
Victim K – Extensions
Link
The hero-victim rhetoric of the 1ac is inherently sexist
Soderlund 5
(Gretchen Soderlund is Assistant Director of the Center for the Study of Communication and Society and Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Chicago. Send correspondence to soderlun@uchicago.edu.Running from the Rescuers: New U.S. Crusades Against Sex Trafficking and the Rhetoric of Abolition¶ http://traffickingroundtable.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/Soderlund-Running-from-the-Rescuers.pdf // OP)
President Bush also went on to generate much publicity for anti-trafficking crusades in the last years of his first term. Oft cited in news reports is his 23 September 2003, annual “Address to the United Nations.” Well aware that his international audience was deeply suspicious of his handling of Iraq, Bush devoted the last third of his 18-minute speech to global sex trafficking, which he described as a clear-cut violation of “moral law.” In moving effortlessly from the war on terrorism to the evils of global sex trafficking, he took strides to symbolically link his nation to the broader moral agenda embodied by the new “War Against Trafficking.” Bush claimed the United States was supporting, and even spearheading, many global initiatives to combat the traffic in women. “Each year,” he stated, “an estimated 800,000 to 900,000 human beings are bought, sold, or forced across the world’s borders. . . . The victims of the sex trade see little of life before they see the very worst of life” (2003).His oratory was laden with nineteenth- and early twentieth-century anti-prostitution rhetoric, describing sex trafficking as a “spreading but hidden evil,” an “underground of brutality and lonely fear,” and a “special evil” (2003). An amplified mood of public sentimentality on the part of U.S. audiences in the post-9/11 era guaranteed the domestic success of this rhetoric. Bush’s public speeches on trafficking had widespread reverberations in the journalistic field.The tone and substance of his UN speech was subsequently adopted by a cadre of male journalists in high-profile and controversialNew York Times and New York Times Magazineexposés on sex slavery in the United States and Cambodia (Kristof 2004; Landesman 2004). Bush’s rhetoric drew on historically and institutionally embedded ways of telling stories about trafficking. Indeed, if news reports and policy documents are any indication, there appear to be few ways to talk about sex trafficking that do not include dramatic readings of the captivity narrative’s well-rehearsed scripts: the prison-like brothel, the lured or deceived female victim, and her heroic rescuers. These features not only become ritually invoked and necessary aspects of such narratives by indexing sex slavery, but they also define the rhetorical limits of what can be said about the phenomenon on a popular level.If prisons are physical structures meant to keep evil away from good, thenmelodramatic sex trafficking captivity narratives that equate brothels with prisons invert this symbolic order by representing good locked away in an evil world. Such narratives necessitate the introduction of a third party that not only witnesses but takes decisive action to end the sex slave’s suffering and restore moral order to the world
Impact
Empirically proven – the aff often misunderstands the complexity of trafficking
Soderlund 5(Gretchen Soderlund is Assistant Director of the Center for the Study of Communication and Society and Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Chicago. Send correspondence to soderlun@uchicago.edu.Running from the Rescuers: New U.S. Crusades Against Sex Trafficking and the Rhetoric of Abolitionhttp://traffickingroundtable.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/Soderlund-Running-from-the-Rescuers.pdf // OP)
Consider also the case of New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof’s series on buying the freedom of two young sex slaves in Poipet, Cambodia, that originally ran in January and February 2004, and which he revis- ited in January 2005. In the original three-part series,Kristof describes purchasing two Cambodian teens from brothels and returning them to their families, all the while casting the journalist as swashbuckling hero, castigating feminists, and lavishing praise on the Bush administration for its actions on behalf of women.A year later Kristof visits the slaves whose freedom he allegedly secured and finds that one of them had returned toPoipet andher old brothel. Rather than altering his paradigmregarding prostitution, he rationalizes Srey Mom’s return to the brothel by appealing to her drug addiction, her “eerily close relationship” with the brothel owner, and her low self-esteem. In this anniversary column, Kristof writes: “Aid groups find it unnerving that they liberate teenagers from the bleak back rooms of a brothel, take them to a nice shelter—and then at night the kids sometimes climb over the walls and run back to the brothel.” Kristof goes on to state: “It would be a tidier world if slaves always sought freedom. But prostitutes often are shattered and stigmatized, and sometimes they feel that the only place they can hold their head high is in the brothel” (2005, A15). Rather than questioning the efficacy of abolitionist strategies, he ends his story by affirming anti-prostitution campaigns: “this 21st century version of slavery has not only grown in recent years but is especially diabolical—it poisons its victims, like Srey Mom, so that eventually chains are often redundant” (2005, A15).The false consciousness thesis, which has stalked sex workers since they became configured as victims(as opposed to public nuisances),continues to be evokedwith equal enthusiasm todayas a paradigm-saving technique, one that encourages activists to dodge potential pitfalls in their own interventionist strategies.
Innocence is a fantasy projected onto women
Soderlund 5(Gretchen Soderlund is Assistant Director of the Center for the Study of Communication and Society and Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Chicago. Send correspondence to soderlun@uchicago.edu.Running from the Rescuers: New U.S. Crusades Against Sex Trafficking and the Rhetoric of Abolition¶ http://traffickingroundtable.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/Soderlund-Running-from-the-Rescuers.pdf // OP)
Global sex trafficking, conveyed through a Manichean lens,has become a nonpartisan issue in part because the demarcation between victims and villains seems clear and the offense ghastly, particularly when perpetrated on the young. Yet innocence carries a particularly heavy burden in the realm of sexuality. In the United States it has been a consistent trope in journalistic accounts of sexual crimes and, in the case of rape, prostitution, gay hate crimes, and AIDS/HIV, a criterion for public sympathy (Benedict 1992; Miller and Vance 2004). Butit is a nearly impossible standard against which to hold living, breathing human beings, except perhaps children. Indeed, in their pamphlets and on their websites, neoabolitionist organizations tend to emphasize those raids that involved the rescue of children. President Bush has remarked that “the victims of the sex trade see little of life before they see the very worst of life” (2003) and many anti-trafficking activists see it as their calling to restore childhoods to young children exploited by sex traders. Linda Smith, a former Republican congresswomanwho now directs Shared Hope International,created a humanitarian spectacle in 2001 when she took one rescued Indian girl to Disney World. But in more than a few cases, innocence is an adult fantasy, a fictive state of being projected onto women and youth by 21st century, anti-trafficking crusaders.
Imperialism
Victim discourse is a disguise for imperialism
Soderlund 5(Gretchen Soderlund is Assistant Director of the Center for the Study of Communication and Society and Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Chicago. Send correspondence to soderlun@uchicago.edu.Running from the Rescuers: New U.S. Crusades Against Sex Trafficking and the Rhetoric of Abolition¶ http://traffickingroundtable.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/09/Soderlund-Running-from-the-Rescuers.pdf // OP)
Too often Western feminists have participated in producing the victim subjects that state actors step in to protect throughthe deployment of military,legal, or law enforcementstrategies. Victim discourse has been implicated in the creation of feminists’ sometimes patronizing attitude toward nonWestern women onto whom victim status is projected (Mohanty 1991). Such a dynamic “encourages some feminists in the international arena to propose strategies which are reminiscent of imperial interventions into the lives of the native subject and which represent the ‘Eastern’ woman as a victim of a ‘backward’ and ‘uncivilized’ culture” (Kapur 2002, 6). Drawing on the case of Nepal—which has recently criminalized the movement outside the country of women under 30 without a husband or male-guardian’s permission as a means of combating trafficking—Kapur suggests that solutions in the realm of law enforcement are an essential component of such logic: “The construction of women exclusively through the lens of violence has triggered a spate of domestic and international reforms focused on the criminal law, which are used to justify state restrictions on women’s rights—for the protection of women” (2002, 6). As we have seen in the case of Western-sponsored brothel raids, the United States is using the protection of women as a rationale to import its law enforcement tactics and project its power internationally, while conveniently merging these interests with a crackdown on the sexuality and rights of women.
CPs
Database CP Extensions
New research and databasing is needed to solve trafficking – don’t believes the affs claims
Hunt et al. 12 – Michael Shively, Ph.D., Kristina Kliorys, Kristin Wheeler, Dana Hunt, Ph.D. Assistant Professor - Microbial Ecology Division of Marine Science & Conservation PhD, Environmental Engineering, MIT, 2008 BA, Biochemistry, Rice University, 2001 BA, Environmental Engineering, 2001 Hunt's experience lies in Microbial Ecology specifically the drivers of bacterial diversity and dynamics in the marine environment. Bacterial adaptation to emerging pollutants and Ph.D. Abt Associates Inc and Senior Analyst at Abt Associates (Dana, Michael, Kristina, Kristin, “A National Overview of Prostitution and Sex Trafficking Demand Reduction Efforts, Final Report”, June 2012, https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/238796.pdf)//AY
The research conducted during this project has confirmed the basic assumption driving the study: that there is a large pool of experience in designing and implementing interventions targeting demand for commercial sex, and this experience could benefit communities implementing or planning initiatives with a similar focus. Our research has confirmed that little of the information about these interventions is circulated broadly, and thus remains a resource untapped by others. Practitioners are often unaware of anti-demand interventions developed and implemented in other communities. The reason for this is simple: there is no central source or effective means by which practitioners can access the information.
Cooperation won’t work – different methodologies stop success in prevention
Margarida 09 – Bachelors and social work student at Providence college, masters at Rhode Island college, you success case manager at Blackstone Valley Community Actino Program (Ashley, “Human Trafficking and Global Policy: A Study on the Casual Factors of Human Trafficking”, Providence College Social work theses,, 4/16/09 http://digitalcommons.providence.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1035&context=socialwrk_students)//AY
Global data collection on human trafficking by the US and the unification of global partnerships have been complicated by discrepancies in the methodology and analyses of the three other international organizations that the United States works with. International Labor Organization (ILO), International Organization for Migration (IOM), and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) all maintain global databases on global human trafficking along with the US government (United States Government Accountability Office, 2006). While this global collaboration helps the US who has yet to discover an effective means for estimating the number of trafficked victims, each organization continues to analyze human trafficking “based on its own mandate” (United States Government Accountability Office, 2006). Logically, IOM analyzes human trafficking from a migration and human rights stance while ILO looks at its terms of forced labor (United States Government Accountability Office, 2006). This data may not be reliable for usage by the US because of other weakness as well. For example, the data that IOM finds is only from countries where IOM “has a presence” (United States Government Accountability Office, 2006). ILO, who works to provide the number of globally trafficked victims, uses a tool that heavily relies on observations and assumptions that have not necessarily been validated (United States Government Accountability Office, 2006)
UN CP
Text: The United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime should implement the four-step program outlined in the Fedotov evidence.
--OR--
Text: The United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime should:
• Substantially increase protection and support for victims of human trafficking
• Oversee the universal ratification and implementation of the UN Convention against Transitional Organized Crime
• Substantially increase funding for the United Nations Trust Fund
• Provide comprehensive data on human trafficking
Counterplan immediately reduces human trafficking
Fedotov, 6/19 – (Yury, executive director of the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, Director-General of the United Nations Office at Vienna; “A decade of action needed to end human trafficking,” CNN Opinion, 19 June 2013, http://www.cnn.com/2013/06/19/opinion/fedotov-human-trafficking)//HO
Based on UNODC's Global Report on Trafficking in Persons 2012, between 2006 and 2009, the number of detectable cases of human trafficking for forced labor doubled from 18% to 36%. It shows that more action against this crime is being undertaken by law enforcement bodies, but there is room for improvement.There are also problems with data collection and analysis. Our human trafficking report contained information from 132 Member States. Almost a third of countries failed to provide information to the report. Fortunately, there is an international road map: the 3-year-old Global Plan of Action . The plan created the Victims Trust Fund managed by UNODC. So far, the fund has enabled 11 grass-roots organizations to aid victims in situations similar to that of Anjali. But the improvements, while encouraging, are coming too slowly to help the millions of victims. What is needed is a catalyst. My suggestion is an inspirational, but realistic goal: a decade of concrete action to end human trafficking. Action founded on international cooperation and coordination. If we are truly serious about confronting this issue, I would suggest four steps to immediately improve the situation:First, increased victim protection and support, second, universal ratification and full implementation of the U.N. Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, as well as its protocol; third, fresh contributions to the Trust Fund from governments, the private sector and the public to assist field organizations; and fourth, the provision of comprehensive data to understand the nature of this global crime.Legislation, however, is only the springboard for action. Every country needs a national action plan closely linked to regional and international efforts to counter human trafficking. We also need to hunt down the proceeds flowing from this ugly crime.
TIP CP
Text: The United Mexican States should create a unified database on human trafficking modeled after the UNODC Trafficking in Persons Report to address investigation of incidents, allegations, and known victims thereof.
Mexico is the only country that isn’t collecting unified information on trafficking now
Graham 10 Council on Hemispheric Affairs Research Associate(Melissa, "Mexico's New War: Sex Trafficking," 10/13/2010, http://www.coha.org/mexico%E2%80%99s-new-war-sex-trafficking/)//AM
Mexico’s drug cartels have been at least a step ahead of the Mexican government since Calderón launched his campaign against them. Although some of the top drug lords have been captured and jailed, they can be—and often are—effectively replaced. The capture of several drug lords by military forces has not actually benefitted Calderón’s efforts. In fact, the removal of various cartel leaders has actually led, on some occasions, to the creation of new cartels- the Beltran Leyva Cartel being but one example. As Calderón has been distracted with drug control he has inadvertently allowed for the growth of human trafficking, a lucrative business left largely unregulated by Mexican law.Human trafficking accounts for 6.6 billion USD a year in Mexico alone,1 a figure that is growing as human trafficking continues its rise in profitability. The vast expansion of human trafficking from Mexico to the United States is notable in its absence from the media; instead, a wealth of analysis of drug related problems continually takes the spotlight. Conservative estimates conclude that over 100,000 women, a number predicted to increase by the end of 2010, are trafficked out of Latin America annually for the purpose of prostitution.2Human trafficking has been attacked on a global scale with countries across the world focusing more of an effort on their own problems and using reports like the Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP) to publicize their efforts. Mexico however, remains an anomaly. The reason that the mainstream media does not focus much attention on human trafficking coming out of Mexico is not because it is not newsworthy; it is instead because drug violence dominates the headlines. Thousands of women and children are subjected to a modern-day form of slavery, with many raped and subjected to unimaginable conditions. Brothels hold women across the country, in places as far away from the border as New York City, where the conditions of living are so severe as to cause one U.S. physician to claim “the first time I went to the camps I didn’t vomit only because I didn’t have anything in my stomach.”3
Counterplan is key to prevent future trafficking
Martins, 13 (Elisa Martins, 10/5/13 “Human trafficking challenges Mexico and Central America”, http://infosurhoy.com/cocoon/saii/xhtml/en_GB/features/saii/features/main/2013/05/10/feature-01)//EM
“There is a need for a unified database on human trafficking that addresses not only the investigation of the offense but also allegations and known victims,” he said. “State governing bodies and civil organizations have numbers that do not match, which makes it more difficult to scale the phenomenon.” UNODC’s 2012 “Global Report on Trafficking in Persons” shows that 15 countries in the Americas reported 6,000 cases of human trafficking between 2007 and 2010, including 1,600 cases involving children. Human trafficking generated US$32 billion worldwide in 2012. “The government does not have the ability to identify all situations, and the victims are afraid to make a report,” de La Torre said. Experts say it’s crucial to invest in preventing new cases.
TIP specifically solves and gets modeled internationally
Department of State, 13 – (U.S. Department of State, “Trafficking in Persons Report,” http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/)//HO
The Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report is the U.S. Government’s principal diplomatic tool to engage foreign governments on human trafficking. It is also the world’s most comprehensive resource of governmental anti-human trafficking efforts and reflects the U.S. Government’s commitment to global leadership on this key human rights and law enforcement issue. It represents an updated, global look at the nature and scope of trafficking in persons and the broad range of government actions to confront and eliminate it. The U.S. Government uses the TIP Report to engage foreign governments in dialogues to advance anti-trafficking reforms and to combat trafficking and to target resources on prevention, protection and prosecution programs. Worldwide, the report is used by international organizations, foreign governments, and nongovernmental organizations alike as a tool to examine where resources are most needed. Freeing victims, preventing trafficking, and bringing traffickers to justice are the ultimate goals of the report and of the U.S Government's anti-human trafficking policy.
Case
PDPU
Aff has no net impact on trafficking – push-down pop-up prevents effective engagement
Van Schendel et al., 12 – (Edited by Willem van Schendel, Professor of Modern Asian History at the University of Amsterdam and Senior Research Fellow at the International Institute of Social History; “Labour Migration and Human Trafficking,” Routledge, 23 April 2012, pages 70-71)//HO
As human trafficking is a de-territorial development challenge, the mismatch between ideal types models and the local unfolding of migration can be glossed over because the notion of a frictionless market allows anomalies to be explained by the model: hence. absence of clear evidence of trafficking-prone villages can be turned into evidence for frictionless and calculating traffickers thus: There is a growing acknowledgement of the displacement, or push-down pop-up (PDPU) effect surrounding trafficking. This name is used to describe a phenomenon whereby the problem is reduced or pushed down in one place, only to emerge somewhere else.Trafficking is a dynamic phenomena and traffickers can quickly adjust to changing environments, in particular, but not only, by shifting geographic focus of their activities. Evidence of PDPU raises questions about the efficacy of a range of current programs and its acknowledgement is fundamental to developing more effective interventions. (Marshall and Thatun 2005: 44-) However, it is not just that ‘this raises questions about the efficacy of a range of current programs" Although the shortcomings of anti-trafficking projects are acknowledged, the assumption that traffickers flit across borders to bring supply to meet demand in a mysterious and prescient manner is sustained, thereby legitimizing the development of more effective interventions. As this exploration of the use of hotspots has shown, it is doubtful whether policy initiated to combat trafficking has significantly influenced migration flows along the Thai—Lao border. Rather, the imagery of hotspots has become central to the programmatic reproduction of anti-trafficking programmes themselves
Push-down pop-up makes trafficking irresolvable
Lim and Yoo, 9 – (Timothy Lim and Karam Yoo, Department of Political Science, California State University; “The Dynamics of Trafficking, Smuggling and Prostitution: An Analysis of Korean Women in the U.S. Commercial Sex Industry,” 28 February 2009, http://instructional1.calstatela.edu/tclim/articles/Final_report_Lim2.pdf)//HO
We recognize, of course, that the demand is or has been an intractable and perhaps irresolvable problem. And we are not naïve enough to believe that a focus on the ethnic roots of demand in the case of Korean migration to the U.S. sex industry will resolve the larger problem of trafficking and smuggling for sexual exploitation. Indeed, it could very well result in its own “push-down, pop-up” effect if, say, the demand for Korean women is effectively decreased only to be replaced by a replacement demand for Chinese (including ethnic Koreans from China) or Thai or Vietnamese women—all of whom might be more susceptible to sexual exploitation. Indeed, this is not an unlikely scenario given the global nature of the transnational trade. This is an important, even critical, caveat. Still, it should not prevent us from endeavoring to better understand and explain the factors that drive the migration of Korean women to the U.S. sex industry. On this point, it is necessary to examine both the push and pull factors that constitute an equally important aspect of Korean case.
Trafficking is DEMAND-DRIVEN – makes aff solvency impossible
Ebbe, 8 – (Obi N.I., holds the University of London General Certificate of Education (GCE) Advanced Level in History, six papers at the Ordinary Level, and Advanced Level in Economics and Government with the West African Examinations Council; Honors College Graduate of Western Michigan University; Ph. D. in sociology from Southern Illinois University at Carbondale recognized expert in the field of political criminology, quantitative methods, statistics, and comparative and international criminal justice systems; specialty in policing and sociological theory; “Global Trafficking in Women and Children,” CRC Press, Taylor & Francis Group, International Police Executive Symposium, 2008, ISBN 978-1-4200-5943-4)//HO
There are tremendous efforts being made all over the world by governments to eliminate trafficking in women and children. These efforts are spearheaded by the UN, NOGs, and some governments, but a great deal of damage had already been done against women and children before the UN and the governments were alerted to the problem. Undeniably, it is a mistake for anybody to think that trafficking in women and girls will be entirely eliminated – there is just too much money involved in the trafficking. Trying to eliminate trafficking in women and girls is like trying to eliminate smuggling narcotics drugs when the market is available. Trafficking in women and children involves billions of dollars annually. Cooperative efforts are needed among governments to bring the occurrence of this crime to the lowest minimum, but in a situation where some government leaders run with the hare and hunt with the hounds, controlling trafficking in women and children becomes a wild goose chase.
Alt Caus – Asia
Can’t solve human trafficking – the aff doesn’t resolve trafficking in Asia which contains the main hotspots
Enos 6/26– researcher at the Heritage Foundation; Asian Studies at The Heritage Foundation; Past Administrative Assistant at Judicial Watch (Olivia, “Human Trafficking Still a Major Concern in Asia”, 6/26/13, The Foundry,
http://blog.heritage.org/2013/06/26/human-trafficking-still-a-major-concern-in-asia/)//AY
The release of the State Department’s latest Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP) revealed that Asia is home to some of the worst perpetrators of illegal human trafficking. China has now joined the ranks of Russia, North Korea, Iran, and a handful of other countries as Tier 3 violators of human trafficking laws. Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Malaysia, Maldives, Micronesia, Sri Lanka, and Thailand were placed on the Tier 2 Watch List for their lack of compliance with human trafficking laws. China’s designation as a Tier 3 country authorizes the U.S. to place sanctions on non-humanitarian and non-trade-related aid. Whether President Obama imposes such sanctions will be determined over the next 90 days. Sanctions could impact U.S. support for aid from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund as well as some aid coming directly from the U.S. to China. China has been on the Tier 2 Watch List for nine years. The past two years, China has a received a waiver and maintained its Tier 2 Watch List status due to efforts at implementing new anti-human trafficking laws. This year, due to its failure to take remedial action, it slipped to Tier 3. China is a source, transit point, and destination for trafficking victims. Forced labor has been documented at an estimated 320 state-controlled Chinese re-education camps. According to the TIP report, Chinese women were trafficked to every continent. North Korea has long been designated as a Tier 3 country due to its labor camps that imprison 200,000 or more people. These prisoners are subjected to both forced labor and unimaginable brutality. Women and children trying to escape into neighboring countries are often trafficked as sex workers or brides, making freedom nearly unattainable. Worldwide, there are an estimated 27 million people caught in the mire of human trafficking—including an estimated 1.2 million children. From persecuted religious minorities in Burma (such as the Rohingya) to sex slaves in Cambodia, the atrocities are innumerable
Alt cause – Russia and China – both are massive human trafficking destinations
CNN 6/19/13– (CNN Freedom Projects “U.S. downgrades Russia, China for anti-trafficking efforts” http://thecnnfreedomproject.blogs.cnn.com/2013/06/19/u-s-downgrades-russia-china-for-anti-trafficking-efforts/) DF
Russia and China were downgraded to bottom tier nations for their efforts to fight human trafficking, by a U.S. government report.¶ In the State Department's annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) Report, China and Russia were relegated to Tier 3 - the lowest of four rankings which names countries whose governments do not fully comply with minimum anti-trafficking standards and are not making significant efforts to do so.¶ The classification includes countries like Iran, North Korea and Zimbabwe, and Tier 3 countries are open to sanctions from the U.S. government.¶ In 2008, the U.S. Congress put a limit on the number of years a country could remain ranked as Tier 2 Watch without concrete signs of action. After that limit is reached there is an automatic downgrade.¶China was Tier 2 Watch for eight years and Russia was on the list for nine.¶ Tier 2 Watch is the third-ranked grouping which identifies governments that do not fully comply with minimum standards, are making significant efforts to bring themselves into compliance - but face increasing trafficking problems.¶ Tier 1 countries fully comply with the minimum anti-trafficking standards and Tier 2 countries do not fully comply but are making significant efforts to reach those standards.¶ The TIP Report ranks nations on efforts to fight trafficking, not just the number of trafficking issues a nations faces.¶ CNN's Jim Clancy said initial reaction from the anti-trafficking groups were calling this year's report "tough but fair."¶ Just Dillion, CEO of Made in a Free World, said: "Speaking truthfully about the modern-day slavery situation in countries that have diplomatic and economic importance to us in other areas, proves that we can commit on things that we all agree on. Living up to our laws and shared values is a universal responsibility."¶ Russia and China have not yet offered an official response to the downgrading.¶China was named as a source, transit and destination for trafficked people from all over the world, while its own citizens also risk being trapped in forced labor abroad.¶ The TIP Report says state-sponsored forced labor also takes place in re-education camps.¶ Criminal gangs ship Chinese women and girls abroad, the report says. It also says Chinese women and girls can be trafficked domestically for sex; and others are imported into the country from neighboring countries.¶ It adds that "despite modest signs of interest in anti-trafficking reforms the Chinese government did not demonstrate significant efforts to comprehensively prohibit and punish all forms of trafficking and to prosecute traffickers.¶ "The government continued to perpetuate human trafficking in at least 320 state-run institutions, while helping victims of human trafficking in only seven. The government also did not report providing comprehensive victim protection services to domestic or foreign, male or female victims of trafficking."¶ It recommends China improve its anti-trafficking laws and its record for prosecuting traffickers including government officials who allegedly help traffickers. The report also says China's efforts to help the victims was inadequate with just seven centers for trafficking victims.¶Russia, was also identified by the TIP Report as a source, transit and destination country for trafficked people.¶ But the report says Russia's biggest problem is labor trafficking with an estimated one million people working in exploitative conditions. It adds that prosecutions are low compared to estimates of the problem.¶ Russia's efforts amounted to a publishing a brochure and establishing a committee which has not yet met, the report says. It also criticizes Russia's efforts to prevent trafficking and prosecute traffickers.¶ It recommends Russia develop national procedures for law enforcement and other officials so they can identify and act on trafficking suspicions.
Squo Solves – Multilateral
Multilateral solutions solve now
Fedotov 6/25/13 – (Yury, Executive Director of United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime “Remarks at the OSCE Alliance against Trafficking in Persons” 25 June 2013 https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/speeches/remarks-at-the-osce-alliance-against-trafficking-in-persons-250613.html) DF
The cooperation between UNODC and OSCE has been particularly strong in the area of combating human trafficking.¶ Our joint work ranges from initiatives such as UN.GIFT and training to, of course, the Alliance against human trafficking.¶ My thanks, in particular, to Dr. Maria Grazia Giammarinaro, OSCE Special Representative for Combating Trafficking in Human Beings, for her leadership and partnership with UNODC.¶The Global Plan of Action to Combat Trafficking in Persons, which was adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2010, called on the international community to intensify cooperation, in order to identify and share best practices to stop this modern day slavery.¶ Regional organizations such as OSCE have a critical role to play in this. According to UNODC's recent Global Report on Trafficking in Persons, almost half of victims detected between 2007 and 2010 were trafficked within their own region of origin.¶Only a comprehensive, coordinated response based on partnership at the local, regional and international levels can enable us to leverage our resources more efficiently, and tackle this outstanding challenge in all its dimensions.¶ This requires developing effective and focused criminal justice responses.¶ But it also means that we must pay attention to social and economic factors that enable human trafficking to flourish in the shadows of the world economy.¶ The Alliance against Trafficking in Persons is a partnership bringing together a broad range of actors, including national authorities as well as international, regional and non-governmental organizations.¶ As such, it provides a useful platform to draw attention to the multi-faceted challenges of combating human trafficking.¶ I therefore welcome this year's Alliance conference on the economic, social and political costs of trafficking. By focusing on trafficking in the context of globalization, migration and inequality, this conference can help us to identify actions and advance solutions.¶ Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,¶We have achieved much since the UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime and the Trafficking in Persons Protocol entered into force nearly a decade ago.¶ 176 states are parties to the Convention, and 155 to the Protocol.¶ The Global Plan of Action to Combat Trafficking in Persons, adopted 3 years ago, established a Trust Fund for victims as well as an Inter-Agency Coordination Group to strengthen our collective response.¶It also gave UNODC a mandate to report on the patterns and flows of human trafficking worldwide, to further shed light on the problem.
Squo Solves – Global
Verite NGO solves human trafficking – targets the root cause
Kassab 11 – journalist consultant and writer (Sally, “Verite launches tool to decrease human trafficking”, 7/05/11, http://www.skollfoundation.org/verite-releases-fair-hiring-toolkit/)//AY
Verité, the global NGO that works with the biggest companies in the world, today launches a tool to help eradicate human trafficking, debt bondage and slavery found in supply chains worldwide. The new online tool, part of Verité’s Help Wanted campaign, is based on years of research, on-the-ground investigation, and direct experience with workers and employers to understand and solve recruitment and hiring abuses. Help Wanted offers insight and solutions for multinational brands and their suppliers looking to rid their supply chains of human rights abuses by labor brokers. The Help Wanted Initiative uncovers the systemic problems that result from the widespread reliance on labor brokers in the global economy, and the hiring traps that result whenever migrant workers seek jobs. Today’s global worker often crosses borders, and goes into extreme debt to do so. The Help Wanted Initiative is the first NGO effort that offers practical, publicly-available tools for companies to dramatically improve their supply chains by eradicating hiring traps, trafficking ploys and labor abuses that result in modern day slavery across sectors from manufacturing to agriculture. These tools will make the difference between companies that try only to comply with the letter of the law, and those which actually clean up their supply chains. “Companies can no longer assume that they do not have problems in their supply chains, or that if they do, that they can’t solve them,” says Dan Viederman, Verité CEO. “Help Wanted puts solutions in everyone’s hands—all stakeholder groups—and eliminates any excuse for inaction.’ The California Transparency in Supply Chains Act is one of several important regulatory backdrops to the Toolkit. Passed in October 2010, this law requires all retailers and manufacturers with revenues of more than $100 million which do business in California to disclose information about their efforts to eradicate slavery and human trafficking from their direct supply chains. Viederman points out that the law allows companies merely to report their policies against forced labor, rather than necessarily doing the hard work that will result in impact. “To meet the new regulations, companies have to only disclose their own policies and practices,” says Viederman. “But finding forced labor requires a bright light shining in all the places where a company manufactures goods, and where it sources raw materials. The Help Wanted Toolkit addresses the hidden and insidious abuse of forced labor found in all aspects of workers’ employment, from the moment of recruitment to on-site employment, across the entire supply chain. Companies can no longer say they have proactive CSR policies if they are not looking deep into their supply chains and directly addresses how workers are recruited, hired and managed by supply chain contractors,” Viederman added.
Squo Solves – Latin America
Latin America is focusing on human trafficking solutions now – results have already been observed
BID 06 – largest source of development financing for Latin America and the Caribbean, with a strong commitment to achieve measurable results, increased integrity , transparency and accountability; program of reforms in evolution that seeks to increase our impact on development in the region (Banco Interamericano de Desarolla, “DB, IOM and Ricky Martin Foundation report progress against human trafficking campaign Call and Live generates reports and saves lives”, 9/26/06, http://www.iadb.org/es/noticias/comunicados-de-prensa/2006-09-26/bid-oim-y-ricky-martin-foundation-presentan-progreso-decampana-contra-trata-de-personas,3313.html)//AY *translated from Spanish
The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), Ricky Martin Foundation (RMF) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) presented yesterday in a ceremony held at IDB headquarters, first results of Call and Live, a regional campaign against trafficking, promoting hotlines for prevention and protection of victims. The campaign, aimed mainly women and children through outreach activities in media and social mobilization, was launched in May in Peru and will be implemented in Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador and Nicaragua in the coming months.There are also developing plans to present the campaign in Colombia, Mexico and Latino communities of Washington DC Metropolitan Area.In Central UNICEF will join the initiative, and national workshops involving the agency against trafficking. "Unlike other campaigns, Call and Live is a strategic communications initiative with tangible development goals. The Bank's experience in this field, along with celebrity Ricky Martin and technical knowledge of IOM, are a winning combination to influence public policy and save lives, "he said IDB President Luis Alberto Moreno. The media strategy of the campaign is to broadcast news and dissemination of promotional materials of hotlines in major media in each country.These materials for radio, press and television have been led by Puerto Rican singer Ricky Martin and humanist. "Giving voice, life and hope to millions of victims of trafficking in the Americas is the aim of this powerful campaign. Their focus on prevention, protection and control allows us to stop this unconscionable crime of which 1.2 million child victims annually. Fighting new age slavery is our collective duty and only uniting wills between sectors of society can curb human trafficking, "said Ricky Martin, Chairman of FMR, an organization that seeks to defend the rights of children and promote their welfare. The axis of social mobilization is led by a network of experts and volunteers who distribute materials and organize awareness raising in key cities along trafficking routes.This prevention effort targets people who want to travel in search of new opportunities and risk being caught, sold and exploited. "The campaign on the public telephone support lines created by the IOM, and generate confidence in a service free, continuous and confidential. We observed a direct correlation between outreach activities and the number of calls and reporting information we receive. "said Brunson McKinley, Director General of the IOM. In Peru, for example, the campaign has generated an average of 1,000 calls per month to the line, deriving 23 complaints about the police and the rescue of at least ten people.In its fifth month of media strategy, the campaign has been a monthly average of 4,000 commercials on radio and television 1,000.Partnerships have been established with more than 53 local organizations and it is estimated that over 30,000 people have received information on trafficking and the existence of the phone line.
Squo Solves – Mexico
Squo solves, specifically in Mexico
Seelke, 13 – (Claire Ribando, Specialist in Latin American Affairs for the Congressional Research Service; “Mexico and the 112th Congress,” 29 January 2013, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL32724.pdf)//HO
As bilateral efforts under the Mérida Initiative and U.S. domestic efforts to combat illicit flows related to the drug trade have intensified, Mexican DTOs, particularly Los Zetas, have branched out into other illicit activities, including alien smuggling and human trafficking. Alien smuggling involves people who pay to be illegally transported from or through Mexico into the United States. Some of the smugglers who profit from this activity have ties to DTOs and have kidnapped, extorted, and killed migrants.80 U.S. and Mexican officials share security concerns about the increasing involvement of organized crime groups in alien smuggling. Human trafficking refers to cases in which individuals are coerced into sexual exploitation or forced labor; some migrants who contract with smugglers eventually become victims of human trafficking. Undocumented migrants, along with women, children, and indigenous persons, have been identified as groups that are particularly vulnerable to human trafficking in Mexico. Mexican and U.S. law enforcement agencies collaborate to combat alien smuggling and human trafficking. For example, through the Operation Against Smuggling Initiative on Safety and Security (OASISS), Mexican alien smugglers apprehended in the United States can be prosecuted in Mexico. From the time of its inception in 2005 through the end of FY2011, OASISS referred 2,617 cases to Mexican authorities.81 Mexican and bilateral investigations and prosecutions against human trafficking have intensified since Mexico reformed its federal criminal procedure code to criminalize trafficking in late 2007. All of Mexico's states have enacted code reforms that criminalize at least some forms of human trafficking. Since 2007, the State Department has removed Mexico from its human trafficking watch list and ranked it as a "Tier 2" country (the second-best out of four categories) in its annual Trafficking in Persons (TIP) reports, reflecting this progress. According to the State Department’s TIP report covering 2011, Mexico convicted 14 sex traffickers in 2011, but did not report any convictions for forced labor. Observers maintain that the number of prosecutions recorded is low relative to the scale of the human trafficking problem in Mexico. The Mexican Congress recently approved a new law against trafficking that amends the 2007 federal anti-TIP law and includes prison sentences of up to 40 years for people convicted of sexual exploitation. Yet the Congress also cut funding for anti-TIP efforts and for the Attorney General's Office in 2012.
Status quo solves - trained professionals and educational forums now
MSI 13( Management Systems International, FIGHTING HUMAN TRAFFICKING AND AIDING VICTIMS IN MEXICO¶ http://www.msiworldwide.com/project/fighting-human-trafficking-and-aiding-victims-in-mexico/ // OP )
For three years, MSI helped to implement the Mexico Trafficking in Persons Shelter Project or PROTEJA. The USAID-funded project was part of the President’s Initiative to Combat Trafficking in Persons (TIP).PROTEJA helped in the successful approval of federal anti-trafficking legislation and laws in seven states. In 2007, the Mexican National Congress approved the federal Law to Prevent and Punish Trafficking in Persons.¶ PROTEJA finalized and published a Legislative and Comparative Analyses that serve as vital instruments for identifying states most in need of immediate reform, and organizations or groups pursuing comprehensive anti-trafficking legislation. The project also increased public understanding of trafficking and was able to usher policy changesthrough a variety of means, including trainingof government officialsandthe public, holdingeducational forumsfor the public, using media to highlight the issue, developing an interactive website, and producing educational materials like pamphlets and a short film to reach broader audiences.¶More than 14,000 government officials and members of the public were trained in combating human trafficking. PROTEJA worked with five local shelters to increase the impact and sustainability of intervention models for trafficking victims and survivors. The projects experts updated their models to address trafficking victims’ needs,including the provision of financial and technical aid through coordinated meetings, formal training and one-on-one consultations.The project also held workshops at each shelter on basic trafficking concepts, applying international instruments to prosecute and penalize traffickers, the national- and state-level judicial frameworks to prosecute, and the tools available to provide assistance and protection to victims.PROTEJA’s experts also assisted with the launch of criminal prosecutions for violations on behalf of the shelters and offered legal advice to help trafficking victims. The project’s officials worked with the shelters at an administrative level.
PSAs now in Mexico
--this is one the of the 3 mechanisms listed in their solvency evidence
Shahani 6/14– writer at Americas Quarterly a Policy Journal dedicated to policy analysis and debate of economics, finance, social development, and politics in the Western Hemisphere and includes analysis of Latin America by high level policymakers(Arjan, “Human Trafficking in Mexico”, Quarterly Americas, 6/14/13, http://www.americasquarterly.org/content/human-trafficking-mexico)//AY
On June 4, the Mexican Army raided a house in the border town of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, Tamaulipas and rescued 165 people being held against their will by a 20-year-old identified as Juan Cortez Arrez. Testimonies from some of the victims show that they had been kidnapped for nearly three weeks. News of their rescue has drawn praise for Mexico’s armed forces, which responded to an anonymous call and implemented an operation that resulted in zero casualties and one arrest. However, this event should also serve to bring attention to a problem which has become graver in recent years: trafficking in persons (TIP). The group rescued comprised 77 Salvadorans, 50 Guatemalans, 23 Hondurans, one Indian, and 14 Mexicans, all of whom had contacted a supposed “pollero” (a person who assists unauthorized immigrants in crossing the border) in the hopes of reaching the United States. The pollero was really a member of a criminal gang who had other plans for the group. After the rescue, the Mexican government’s spokesperson for national security, Eduardo Sánchez Hernández, stated that many aspiring migrants end up “being delivered to the hands of criminal organizations,” rather than taken safely across the border. These criminal groups then use their captives for sexual trafficking and prostitution, forced labor, as drug mules, and—as the narcofosas (clandestine mass graves) tragically show—execute kidnapping victims in initiation rituals of new gang members. In 2011, 236 bodies were discovered in narcofosas in the border town of San Fernando, Tamaulipas. Granted, there is no proof that all of the victims were intended migrants and some might have been killed in other gang-related activities, including inter-cartel wars, but the problem remains. Human trafficking is not new to Mexico, but it was not until 2004 that the first anti-trafficking in persons law was passed, making this activity a crime punishable by up to 18 years of incarceration. In 2008, the Attorney General’s office created the Fiscalía Especial para los Delitos de Violencia Contra Las Mujeres y Trata de Personas (FEVIMTRA), a special prosecutor’s team designated to work on crimes against women and human trafficking and whose members have received training from international outfits specializing in these matters. And last year, then-President Felipe Calderón passed a new law making femicide a crime punishable by up to 60 years in jail. Some radio ad campaigns have been launched at a national level to focus on prevention.
Squo Solves – US
Squo solves – momentum and legal action against trafficking
Ryan, 13 – (Kevin M., President and CEO, Covenant House – “Momentum Grows to End Human Trafficking,” Huffington Post, 10 May 2013, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kevin-m-ryan/momentum-grows-to-end-hum_b_3095318.html)//HO
As I looked around the South Auditorium in the Old Executive Office Building during the White House's Forum to Combat Human Trafficking , I felt a surge of hope in a field that could use so much more. Members of the Obama administration joined with many of the nation's leading abolitionists to take stock of the nation's effort to end the scourge of human trafficking and share information to bolster the fight yet ahead of us. Too often, those of us who fight against human slavery beat our heads against the walls of misinformation and prejudice. No, we have to explain, trafficking victims aren't just those vulnerable people who are smuggled in from other countries so their labor and bodies can be exploited -- 80 percent of sex trafficking victims are U.S. citizens, mostly homeless, abused, and impoverished young people who see no other options. No, jailing underage prostituted children and teenagers doesn't solve the problem of sexual exploitation; it's the johns, gangs, cartels and pimps who buy them and sell them who need to be identified, punished, jailed, fined, and, if they use the bodies of minors, placed on sex offender lists. And no, not every person whose body is bought and sold is in that position voluntarily - while some adults do choose that work, the vast majority of prostituted people would escape if they had a safe route out and a chance at a better future. Most kids who are sold start in their very early teens , and we don't know any 14-year-olds who wake up one morning and decide to be raped ten or more times a day. At the White House Forum, the administration followed up on President Barack Obama's speech in September to the Clinton Global Initiative. Attorney General Eric Holder, senior White House advisor Valerie Jarrett and Homeland Security Secretary Janet Napolitano emphasized the importance of preventing human trafficking, prosecuting traffickers, protecting survivors and providing them with social services. The key theme was partnership -- linking together in an unprecedented way the technology innovations of Silicon Valley with the investigative and prosecutorial resources of the government and the grassroots credibility and expertise of the service and advocacy communities. We heard how the Polaris Project, Thorn, Twilio and Salesforce.com have created a new platform for identifying and aiding trafficking victims. A new texting program allows victims to send a text seeking help to an easy-to-remember number, BeFree (233733) without causing suspicion. I am encouraged by Google's generosity on the topic, as it recently pledged $3 million to entrepreneurial nonprofits using technology to fight traffickers. One significant way we can fight sex trafficking is to provide safe shelter to vulnerable young people. At Covenant House, where we offer shelter, counseling and services to homeless and trafficked young people across 6 countries, we see far too many trafficking victims among the 61,000 youth we reach each year. Many of them, including the two involved in the Toronto police's first-ever human trafficking prosecution last month, tell us they were prisoners without options, fearing for their lives, and without a safe place to go. The fight to end human trafficking is gaining traction as awareness builds across the country. If we could make it even half as taboo to buy and sell kids for sex as it is to buy and smoke cigarettes, we would make huge inroads against human trafficking and child sexual exploitation. I applaud the passage of the federal Violence Against Women Act, which included the extension of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act through FY 2017. On the state level, we see an increasing number of smart new laws and initiatives: *In the last several months, Attorneys General in Michigan and New Jersey have launched task forces on human trafficking, joining 21 other states in creating oversight groups charged to strengthen state efforts to prevent trafficking and aid victims. *In the last two years alone, there have been six human trafficking convictions in Michigan under the new Attorney General, and more are expected as resources are deployed to attack the problem. *In November's election, California residents passed Proposition 35, which increased the maximum sentence for convicted traffickers to life in prison, and raised maximum fines to $1.5 million. *In 2011, Utah amended its criminal code to require people convicted of aggravated human trafficking to register as sex offenders. *New York recently allowed victims of sex trafficking to request that their sentences be vacated and their records cleared, so they can more easily find future employment. On the local level, a 2010 law passed in the District of Columbia allows for victims of sex trafficking to be included in the Victims of Violent Crime Compensation Act, and to sue their traffickers. And in Chicago the police now post on their website pictures of those who have been arrested for solicitation or related crimes. And last year in New York City, Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance Jr. prosecuted not just the pimps and johns involved in a trafficking ring, but their livery car drivers as well, who helped arrange transactions involving the women and drove them from tryst to tryst. But our work is far from over, as these are local efforts that need to be universalized. To date only 11 states have passed Safe Harbor laws , to offer young trafficking victims help instead of handcuffs, to set them up with safe shelter, job training, and an education, rather than put them behind bars. More states are considering such laws, but if yours still locks up prostituted kids for being sold -- for being victims of statutory rape -- you need to join this battle and demand fairer treatment. I am heartened to work with a President who understands that all parts of our society -- the government, faith based groups, non-profits, schools, and private citizens -- need to work hard to raise awareness about human trafficking and stop it dead in its tracks. Now, 150 years after the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation, children should not be for sale. The fact that 100,000 of them were last year in the United States, according to FBI estimates, should do more than grieve us. It must mobilize us.
Progress against trafficking now
Seper 12 – investigative editor for the Washington Times (Jerry, “Administration making ‘progress’ in fighting sex trafficking”, 5/3/12, The Washington Times, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2012/may/3/administration-making-progress-in-fighting-sex-tra/)//AY
Sex trafficking is a big moneymaker for criminals and a scourge to society, a top Justice Department official said Thursday, adding that traffickers callously seek to furnish their market with “women, girls and boys who have been cast out by society and whose options are few.” Acting Assistant Attorney General Mary Lou Leary, who heads thedepartment’s Office of Justice Programs, said during a speech in Boston that many of the victims are young people — not even teenagers — who are looking for the home they’ve never had. “What they find, instead, are betrayal, cruelty and abuse. And sadly, too often our systems of support and justice have offered no quarter,” she said. Ms. Leary oversees an annual budget of more than $2 billion dedicated to supporting state, local and tribal criminal justice agencies; an array of juvenile justice programs; a wide range of research, evaluation and statistical efforts; and comprehensive services for crime victims. The former executive director of the National Center for Victims of Crime, a leading victim-advocacy organization in Washington, and a former U.S. attorney in the District, Ms. Leary said law enforcement authorities have much work to do — in raising awareness, changing attitudes and meeting the needs of those who are exploited. “But the good news is we are making progress,” she said, adding that in an era of diminishing federal dollars, the Justice Department has directed substantial resources to fighting human trafficking. Last year, she said, Justice made more than $9 million available to bolster anti-human-trafficking efforts, and the Bureau of Justice Assistance and Office for Victims of Crime support 28 task forces dedicated to investigating trafficking crimes and providing culturally competent victim services. Ms. Leary said that in a 2½-year period ending in June 2010, the task forces investigated more than 2,500 incidents of human trafficking and arrested 144 suspected traffickers. She said the department is reviewing another round of applications for funding and will support additional task forces this year. The department, she said, also has developed a resource called the Anti-Human Trafficking Task Force Strategy and Operations e-Guide, which offers direction on forming and strengthening task forces and provides lessons learned from current task forces as well as a host of other tools for fighting human trafficking in individual communities. “The Justice Department’s efforts to combat trafficking are by no means limited to the work we’re doing in the Office of Justice Programs,” she said. “Fighting trafficking crimes is a priority of the Obama administration and of this Department of Justice.” Last week, she said, Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. announced plans to designate an anti-human-trafficking coordinator to oversee all Justice activities in that area. She said this would enable the department to be even more effective in its efforts to combat such crimes and reach victims. “It’s significant … that more than 40 percent of all human-trafficking incidents opened for investigation by the department were for sexual trafficking of a child. And more than 80 percent of these were identified as U.S. citizens,” she said. “Human trafficking — and particularly sex trafficking — is not just a spillover of corrupt regimes where the rule of law holds little sway. It’s happening right here under our noses.” The Office for Victims of Crime and the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention are funding several organizations that serve young victims of commercial sexual exploitation and domestic trafficking. One of them is the GEMS program in New York City, which provides a range of services, from counseling, housing and legal aid to education and employment.
Momentum for human trafficking solutions now – most recent evidence
Morse 13– long-time writer and editor, Jane Morse now focuses on women's issues, democracy and human rights; her career includes stints with the Army, Commerce and Agriculture Departments (Jane, "U.S. Agencies Cite Progress Against Human Trafficking", 5/17,13, IIP Digital,
http://iipdigital.usembassy.gov/st/english/article/2013/05/20130517147597.html#axzz2ZDwllVai)//AY
These are among the advances reported by U.S officials to provide a more powerful deterrent to human trafficking: • The Vision 21 Initiative to better understand and serve the needs of human trafficking victims and to provide them with access to legal services. • Programs to more closely monitor domestic workers who come into the United States, including those brought into the country to work for diplomatic missions. • Closer monitoring of U.S. procurement contracts to ensure that trafficking victims are not in any way involved. • Expanding public knowledge of and access to the National Human Trafficking Resource Center, a 24-hour, toll-free hotline designed to guide trafficking victims to the proper services that could help them. The Obama administration budgeted an additional $10 million to insure greater victim access to legal, medical and mental health services via this tool. • Better training for U.S. labor standards enforcement investigators so that they can more readily recognize trafficking victims. • Expanding Department of Homeland Security investigative authority over trafficking cases. In 2012, according to Rand Beers, acting deputy secretary for the Department of Homeland Security, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency made more than 900 arrests and gained 350 convictions of human traffickers. • More sophisticated use of technology and social media to counter human traffickers and increase public awareness about human slavery. • Expanding the Blue Campaign, which uses television, print media and the Internet to increase public awareness of human trafficking, train law enforcement and guide victims to sources of aid. • Increasing partnerships with nongovernmental entities such as MTV cable television (see the MTV EXIT Campaign) to educate audiences around the world about human trafficking. At this year’s task force meeting, the first two recipients of the Presidential Award for Extraordinary Efforts to Combat Trafficking in Persons were honored: • Carlson, a global hospitality and travel company that has been exceptionally proactive in adopting measures to train employees and encourage its partners and the broader business community to take a stand against human trafficking. • Florrie Burke, founder and chair emeritus of the Freedom Network, a U.S. national coalition of anti–human trafficking service organizations and advocates.
Squo Solves – Obama
Obama taking significant actions now
Golden and Hewat 12 – (Don Golden and Amy Hewat are respectively church engagement and anti-human trafficking professionals with Baltimore-based Christian aid agency World Relief. “The Fight Against Human Trafficking in the United States” 10/29/12 http://www.huffingtonpost.com/don-golden/human-trafficking_b_2012276.html) DF
¶ In response to this truly horrific crime against humanity, on September 25, President Obama signed an Executive Order to prohibit human trafficking in all federal government contracting. Obama's order applies to federal contractors (and subcontractors) working not only in the United States, but anywhere in the world. Since the U.S. Government is the single largest purchaser of goods and services world-wide, this new policy is expected to significantly curtail human trafficking in the global supply chain of goods and services. And by signing this order, President Obama made clear his determination to increase efforts to combat human trafficking.¶ ¶ Most Americans who are aware that slavery exists today assume it is happening outside the United States The unfortunate truth is that the number of individuals, both foreign nationals and U.S. citizens, who find themselves in bondage on U.S. soil is greatly increasing. In fact, it's estimated that roughly 14 to 17,000 foreign nationals are brought into the United States each year, in addition to our own citizens recruited into the industry. In labor trafficking, it can take the form of domestic servitude in middle and upper class neighborhoods, and forced labor in restaurants or agricultural work. It is a lucrative and appealing business for traffickers, including organized crime syndicates, gangs and individuals because there is a very low risk of being caught.¶¶ In sex trafficking, the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children estimates that 100,000 to 300,000 American children are prostituted or at risk of commercial sexual exploitation within the U.S. each year, and the average age of entry is 13 years old. Child sex trafficking victims come from various socio-economic backgrounds and upbringings. They are recruited by pimps and peers appearing to be friends in malls, schools, at bus stops or as runaways on the street. Once attached, they are sold over and over, night after night, and/or are forced to work in strip clubs, used in pornographic films, sold on the internet, and made to walk the streets to meet a nightly quota set by the pimp.
AT: Gender is Root Cause
Gender doesn’t cause war, they have the relationship backwards
Goldstein 3— (Joshua S., Professor of International Relations at American University, 2003 War and Gender: How Gender Shapes the War System and Vice Versa, pp.411-412)DF
I began this book hoping to contribute in some way to a deeper understanding of war – an understanding that would improve the chances of someday achieving real peace, by deleting war from our human repertoire. In following the thread of gender running through war, I found the deeper understanding I had hoped for – a multidisciplinary and multilevel engagement with the subject. Yet I became somewhat more pessimistic about how quickly or easily war may end. The war system emerges, from the evidence in this book, as relatively ubiquitous and robust. Efforts to change this system must overcome several dilemmas mentioned in this book. First, peace activists face a dilemma in thinking about causes of war and working for peace. Many peace scholars and activists support the approach, “if you want peace, work for justice.” Then, if one believes that sexism contributes to war, one can work for gender justice specifically (perhaps among others) in order to pursue peace. This approach brings strategic allies to the peace movement (women, labor, minorities), but rests on the assumption that injustices cause war. The evidence in this book suggests that causality runs at least as strongly the other way. War is not a product of capitalism, imperialism, gender, innate aggression, or any other single cause, although all of these influence wars’ outbreaks and outcomes. Rather, war has in part fueled and sustained these and other injustices. So, “if you want peace, work for peace.” Indeed, if you want justice (gender and others), work for peace. Causality does not run just upward through the levels of analysis, from types of individuals, societies, and governments up to war. It runs downward too. Enloe suggests that changes in attitudes towards war and the military may be the most important way to “reverse women’s oppression.” The dilemma is that peace work focused on justice brings to the peace movement energy, allies, and moral grounding, yet, in light of this book’s evidence, the emphasis on injustice as the main cause of war seems to be empirically inadequate.¶
Gender isn’t the root cause
Hooper 1– (Charlotte, University of Bristol research associate in politics, Manly States: Masculinities, International Relations, and Gender Politics pp 45-46.) DF
Spike Peterson and Anne Sisson Runyan (1993), in their discussion of gendered dichotomies, appear to drop Lacanian psychoanalytic discourse as an explanation for gendered dichotomies in favor of a more straightforward- ly political account.14Gendered dichotomies, rather than uniformly con- structing gendered social relations through universal psychoanalytic mecha- nisms, are seen more ambiguously, as playing a dual role. Where gendered dichotomies are used as an organizing principle of social life (such as in the gendered division of labor) they help to construct gender differences and in- equalities and thus are constitutive of social reality, but in positing a grid of polar opposites, they also serve to obscure more complex relationships, commonalties, overlaps, and intermediate positions (Peterson and Runyan 1993, 24–25). Elaborating on this view, it can be argued that gendered dichotomies are in part ideological tools that mystify, masking more complex social realities and reinforcing stereotypes. On one level, they do help to produce real gen- der differences and inequalities, when they are used as organizing principles that have practical effects commensurate with the extent that they become embedded in institutional practices, and through these, human bodies. They constitute one dimension in the triangular nexus out of which gender identities and the gender order are produced. But at the same time, institutional practices are not always completely or unambiguously informed by such dichotomies, which may then operate to obscure more complex relationships. It is a mistake to see the language of gendered dichotomies as a unified and totalizing discourse that dictates every aspect of social practice to the extent that we are coherently produced as subjects in its dualistic image. As well as the disruptions and discontinuities engendered by the inter- sections and interjections of other discourses (race, class, sexuality, and so on) there is always room for evasion, reversal, resistance, and dissonance be- tween rhetoric, practice, and embodiment, as well as reproduction of the symbolic order, as identities are negotiated in relation to all three dimen- sions, in a variety of complex and changing circumstances. On the other hand, the symbolic gender order does inform practice, and our subjectivi- ties are produced in relation to it, so to dismiss it as performing only an ide- ological or propagandistic role is also too simplistic.¶
AT: Disposability
Too many structural barriers to solve disposability
Lindberg-Aganga, 11 – (Amanda, Washington College of Law, “Disposable Victims: How the TVPA Fails to Protect Victims of Human Trafficking,” ExpressO, 2011, http://works.bepress.com/amanda_lindberg-aganga/1)//HO
Despite naming victim protection as one of the three major goals of the TVPA, the reality has fallen far short of the kinds of protections that should and can be made available to victims in the United States. Victims who are identified and whose traffickers face prosecution may sometimes not be eligible for long-term T-visa status and other protections. Authorities fail to identify thousands of victims each year. Those that are identified still facered tape, and victims who have committed crimes or been forced to commit crimes through their trafficking experience may be prosecuted for those crimes, creating tension between the priority of prosecuting perpetrators of trafficking and often coerced immigration offences.¶ This paper argues that Congress’ approach to and subsequent execution of victim protection through the TVPA and reauthorization bills has undermined one of the foundational purposes of the TVPA: to provide protection and assistance to victims of trafficking. This shortfall is the result of multiple factors, including insufficient training of immigration and law enforcement officials, unnecessary barriers between victims and services, and a tension between immigration policy and the aims of the TVPA vis-à-vis assisting victims. First, I will frame the issue of human trafficking in the United States today, and then will discuss the TVPA’s legislative background and text. Part IV will argue that mechanisms for gathering data and refining victim identification are insufficient. Part V proposes that even once victims are identified, there are unnecessary and unconscionable barriers to assisting many victims. Part VI concludes with recommendations to improve victim identification and services throughout the victim’s contact with United States authorities and service providers, recalling that a victim’s experience does not end with the conviction of his or her trafficker.
The aff increases trafficking – their ideology results in policy that limits mobility and forces desperate migrants into trafficking when legal approaches become impossible
Ditmore, 12 – (Melissa, PhD, Sociology, City University of New York, Coordinator of the Global Network of Sex Work Projects, consultant on research and rights-based programming; “Trafficking and Prostitution Reconsidered,” Edited by Kamala Kempadoo, Part II, Chapter 6, “Trafficking in Lives: How Ideology Shapes Policy,” Paradigm, 2012, ISBN 978-1-59451-988-8)//HO
The seemingly endless debate about trafficking focuses heavily on sex work, with a number of questions continually reemerging: Is all participation in the sex industry (including, particularly, prostitution) trafficking? Is such participation an inherent violation of human rights?Equating sex work and trafficking leads to an overly simple analysis that neglects the core issue of trafficking, namely migration, while refocusing discussion on other problems.Maintaining a lurid focus on sex allows the dull and intractable issue of migration to be ignored in favor of a more politically popular and publicity-friendly condemnation of trafficking as sex work. This artificially narrow focus is doubly perilous: abolitionist approaches to sex work have led to the imposition of limitations on women’s mobility in the name of protecting them against the twin “evils” of trafficking and prostitution. These limitations not only restrict women’s freedom but may even drive determined migrants into the arms of traffickers. Secondly, while notions of trafficking reflected in recent approaches have grown more sophisticated – as demonstrated by a move away from an exclusive focus on sex to one that also includes servitude and debt-bondage in industries as disparate as garment production, domestic work, and construction – the influence of activists; agendasvis-à-vis sex work and trafficking has also expanded. Debate on these subjects can now determine or influence policy in a wide range of areas, including funding for anti-trafficking programs and even health issues such as the allocation of funding for programs addressing HIV/AIDS.
Politics
DA Turns Case
CIR solves trafficking – multiple warrants
Reisenwitz, 7/1 – (Cathy, D.C.-based writer and political commentator; “To End Human Trafficking in the US, Simplify Immigration,” Sex and the State, 1 July 2013, http://sexandthestate.com/to-end-human-trafficking-in-the-us-simplify-immigration/)//HO
As the House and Senate argue over a pathway to legalization or a pathway to citizenship, one easy-to-overlook aspect of the debate is the impact ease of immigration has on human trafficking. US News and World Report reports that many trafficking victim advocates worry that “stronger enforcement of immigration laws is keeping foreign victims silent.” It makes sense that fear of deportation may keep some trafficking victims from coming forward. But I also think that a policy where people can more easily legally cross borders will help prevent trafficking by reducing the need for coyotes and other helpers that may coerce or defraud travelers and by offering more options for employment after rescue, in addition to helping victims feel safe coming forward. One such victim is Ima Matul: “Tell them that you fell in the backyard and bumped your head on a rock,” Ima Matul recalls being told as a condition of being taken to the hospital to get stitches. Now, the doctor was saying something she didn’t understand in English, and her employer was answering for her. Ima, an Indonesian national, knew the employer probably wasn’t telling the truth, that it was his wife who had split Ima’s head open that morning during another rage-filled tirade about her cleaning skills. By then, Ima had endured two years of emotional and physical abuse, while working in the family’s home without pay. While for myriad reasons many people would like to see stronger enforcement of immigration laws, I believe that an easy-to-navigate, open immigration system would prevent more victims like Matul, and encourage the ones here to come forward. Admit One If you’re here illegally, you’re in danger of deportation. During Bush’s tenure, Congress passed the Trafficking Victims Protection Act, which is supposed to protect victims of trafficking from deportation. However, the Obama administration has deported more people since 2009 than the Bush administration did in all eight years. The whole situation is remarkably schizophrenic. Technically, anyone who is aided in their move across borders illegally is a victim of human trafficking. In this environment, victims are understandably afraid to come forward. Making sure people who are true victims of force or fraud are not treated as criminals is essential to their rescue. Coyote Ugly Immigrating into the US legally is an extremely complicated, expensive and time-consuming endeavor. Many people feel it imperative that they emigrate now, or don’t feel confident they could successfully navigate the labyrinth. Those people usually must rely on helpers and guides to make it to the US. But because the guides operate in a black market, there’s little way for the immigrants to know who they can trust, and little recourse against bad actors. Immigration force or fraud can manifest itself in many ways. Some victims are brought to the US and then held against their will. Some people are enslaved in brothels, others on farms or in factories. Many people, in order to come to the US, enter into varying levels of indentured servitude, sometimes without realizing it. But regardless of the method, it all requires someone to do the defrauding or forcing. Streamlining our immigration process would decrease the need for guides and bring the market for them into the light. It’s Good to Have Options Very little limits your employment options like being legally disallowed from working in the country you’re living in. It would seem to follow that promising not to deport victims and making it legal for them to work a job they obtained voluntarily will motivate people who are being held captive to try to escape. If we’re serious about ending human trafficking in the US, rescuing a little over 1,000 people as the US government has under the Trafficking Victims Protection Act isn’t going to cut it. Opening up our immigration system to ensure victims aren’t deported, to make entry easier, and the help victims get jobs will do a ton to help victims come forward and help prevent future victims.
Immigration bill is key to stopping human trafficking
Costa 7/12– Director of Immigration Law and Policy Research Daniel Costa High-resolution; Areas of Expertise U.S. Immigration Law and Policy, International Labor Migration, Humanitarian Affairs; areas of research include a wide range of labor migration issues, including the management of guestworker programs, both high- and less-skilled migration, and immigrant workers’ rights; he interned overseas with the State Department and was selected by the United Nations to participate in the International Law Commission’s seminar for young scholars and practitioners; Education LL.M. International and Comparative Law, Georgetown University Law Center J.D. International Law, Syracuse University B.A. Rhetoric, University of California, Berkeley (Daniel, “Senate Immigration Legislation Would Improve Human Trafficking Protections for Guestworkers”, 7/12/13m Economic Policy Institute, http://www.epi.org/blog/senate-immigration-legislation-improve-human/)//AY
A recently concluded trial highlights how weaknesses in the country’s guestworker programs can facilitate human trafficking. Last week, a federal jury convicted Kizzy Kalu, a Denver-area man, of “89 counts of mail fraud, visa fraud, human trafficking and money laundering.” While both progressives and conservatives have complaints about the Senate immigration bill, it’s important to point out that the Senate took an important step forward in terms of new rules that would protect vulnerable foreign workers like the ones recruited by Kalu from abroad through guestworker programs. The workers Kalu recruited thought they were coming to the United States to work full-time at an American university as “nurse instructor supervisors” through the H-1B guestworker program, which allows U.S. employers to hire workers from abroad for occupations requiring at least a college degree. But Kalu lied to the government and the foreign workers, and with disastrous results. According to the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), the university that was supposed to be the employer “existed largely in name only and had no genuine need for nurse instructor supervisors.” Thus, the workers had no jobs, and had to look for work on their own (although Kalu would not even let them travel freely). H-1B workers are legally required to be paid a “prevailing” wage, but the workers who were able to find jobs ended up working in nursing homes (not as instructors) earning less than the prevailing wage. Some were not able to find a job at all. On top of that, Kalu required the workers to pay him “between $800 to $1,200 per month or face deportation” and required them to sign employment contracts specifying the workers would owe Kalu “$25,000 if they left his employment.” As organizations like the Centro de los Derechos del Migrante, Jobs with Justice, and the International Labor Recruitment Working Group (a coalition of organizations) have pointed out, provisions in the Senate immigration bill would protect foreign workers from these types of recruitment abuses and human trafficking in three ways: 1) by prohibiting recruiters from charging fees to workers that lead them into debt bondage; 2) by improving transparency in the system by creating a publicly available registry of foreign labor recruiters; and 3) by including meaningful sanctions for employers and recruiters that violate the law, including a private right of action in federal court for workers if the government fails to act in a timely manner.
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Link – Partisanship
The plan will spark partisan fights – empirics
National Partnership 12– nonprofit, nonpartisan organization founded originally as the Women’s legal Defense Fund, promotes fairness in the workplace reproductive health, and rights, access to quality affordable health care and policies; fights for major policy advance (National partnership for Women and Families, “Consensus on Anti-Trafficking Bill Dissolves Amid Partisan Clashes”, 4/30/1, Women’s Health Policy Report, http://www.nationalpartnership.org/site/News2?abbr=daily2_&page=NewsArticle&id=33407)//AY
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April 30, 2012 — Reauthorization of a law (HR 2830) to combat human trafficking has been delayed by partisan disputes about HHS' decision not to renew a grant to the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, CQ Weekly reports. The law expired last fall, although funding for anti-trafficking programs is guaranteed until the end of fiscal 2012, according to CQ Weekly (Cadei, CQ Weekly, 4/30). The Trafficking Victims Protection Act, first approved in 2000, provides grants to organizations to fight human trafficking, supports law enforcement and funds a hotline that received more than 11,000 calls in fiscal year 2010. The measure was reauthorized three times with bipartisan support before expiring late last year (Women's Health Policy Report, 4/11). According to CQ Weekly, reauthorization bills were introduced in the House and Senate last fall and received bipartisan approval from the House Foreign Affairs Committee and the Senate Judiciary Committee. On Sept. 30, HHS notified the Conference of Catholic Bishops' Migration and Refugee Services division that it was not renewing the group's grant to provide assistance to trafficking survivors because of a "strong preference" for applicants that provide comprehensive health care services, including family planning and reproductive health care. This decision outraged the bishops and conservative lawmakers, who withdrew their support from the bill and argued that the Obama administration was pursuing an "anti-religion" agenda, according to CQ Weekly. On Dec. 7, Rep. Chris Smith (R-N.J.), the bill's original sponsor in the House, introduced a new version that would add a "conscience" clause for religious groups and transfer the trafficking grants program from HHS to the Justice Department. The legislation has not been marked up. Anti-trafficking advocates said they are frustrated that political fights are interfering with the process. "I think there's a lack of attempt to reconcile differences," Cory Smith, senior policy adviser for the Alliance To End Slavery and Trafficking, said (CQ Weekly, 4/30).
Empirically proven – human trafficking legislation is partisan – GOP backlash
Lidane 13(Citing the Senate Judiciary Chairman 2/22/13 Senate Dems Condemn House GOP Version of Violence Against Women Act http://littlegreenfootballs.com/page/294226_Senate_Dems_Condemn_House_GOP_ // OP )
Senate JudiciaryChairmanPatrickLeahy(D-VT),the author of VAWA, derided the legislation as “partisan” and said it omits critical measures designed to protect vulnerable populations like Native Americans, immigrants and the gay and lesbian community.¶ “Next week, the House of Representatives plans to revert back to its partisan version of the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act,” Leahy said in a statement. “The Republican House leadership has decided to replace the Senate-passed version with a substitute that will not provide critical protections for rape victims, domestic violence victims, human trafficking victims, students on campuses, or stalking victims. This is simply unacceptable and it further demonstrates that Republicans in the House have not heard the message sent by the American people and reflected in the Senate’s overwhelming vote earlier this month to pass the bipartisan Leahy-Crapo bill. A majority of Republican Senators — and every woman serving in the United States Senate — supported it.”¶ I would act surprised and/or outraged by this, but I’m not.The GOP’s war on women continues unabated.¶ What’s most amazing to me is that the House GOP strip out the protections for human trafficking victims. To give you an idea of just how deranged that is, consider that the very same protections passed in the Senate with a rare 100-0 vote.
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Link – Immigration Debate
The plan gets drawn into a broader immigration debate
Hebert 12 – Professor of World Affairs @ Maryland
(Laura, “From Human Trafficking to Human Rights: Reframing Contemporary Slavery,” p. 100-101)//BB
Policy debates in the United States over how to curtail the problem of trafficking interconnect with the highly emotive issue of illegal immigration. Policy makers and the public alike have long identified illegal immigration as a threat to U.S. economic security, public safely, and even American identity, with state and national elections often coinciding with heightened demands for the reform of the country's immigration laws. In theory, those foreign nationals trafficked to or within the United States and subject to forced labor are to be granted a status distinct from undocumented migrants or aliens who breach U.S. criminal laws. But the fate of trafficked persons continues to be inseparable from U.S. immigration laws and policies. In the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks, analysts of U.S. immigration policies have uniformly detected a marked tightening of restrictions, with one observer commenting that immigration and terrorism have become "inextricably linked in the U.S. public debate on security" (Kerwin 2005, 749). The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 had previously instituted strict measures intended to crack down on illegal immigration, including doubling the number of border agents, establishing new documentation requirements for immi¬grants, enhancing penalties for nonimmigrants who overstay their visas, and increasing the grounds for excluding or removing noncitizens (Frago-men 1997, 438-42). Following the 2001 terrorist attacks, the administration of immigration policies and services was reorganized and placed under the responsibility of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), with the fusing of immigration and security serving to further bolster the surveillance and coercive powers of immigration authorities (Kerwin 2005, 749). Although particular sectors of the nonimmigrant population are singled out for special scrutiny, particularly Arabs and Muslims, the enhanced¶ powers of immigration authorities have consequences across nonimmigrant populations, including for foreign nationalstrafficked to and within¶ the United States.
Link – Abortion Debate
The plan sparks fights over family planning
Cadei 13– bachelor's degree from Stanford University, then went on to earn a master's degree in political science, specializing in comparative government, from the University of Oxford (UK); covering foreign policy for CQ Roll Call; 2007 she was the co-editor of CQ MoneyLine, covering campaign finance and lobbying through the 2008 election cycle, reported on congressional campaigns and special elections for both CQ and Roll Call, before assuming her current post; has been guest and commentator on a wide array of radio and TV news networks, including C-SPAN, Fox News and MSNBC (Emily, “New Hope for Anti-Human-Trafficking Bill”, 2/1/13, CQ News, http://public.cq.com/docs/news/news-000004214130.html)//AY
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Lawmakers and activists are gearing up for another push to pass popular legislation reauthorizing U.S. programs to combat human trafficking, which stalled in the last Congress. The same roadblocks — political divisions over family planning services and Republican concerns about costs — again threaten to derail the measure. But Democrats and advocates working to stop forced labor, sexual slavery and other forms of trafficking think they may have a trump card this time in Sen.Marco Rubio, R-Fla., who they hope can help bridge those gaps in much the same way he is attempting to do on immigration.
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Link – Devil in Details
There will be huge fights over the details and nuances of the plan
Gould 12– print and radio journalist who has reported from over a dozen countries on numerous social, political and economic issues including immigration, education, the drug trade, crime, fiscal and economic policy and the oil industry; As a reporter, he has focused on many under-reported issues including the impact of Mexico’s drug violence on children, abortion rights in Colombia and a tuberculosis crisis in Argentina’s indigenous communities. Currently, he covers Southern California for Time magazine, Latino issues for Poder Hispanic magazine, continues to make reporting trips to Mexico, and does web producing work for KTLA Channel 5 Los Angeles. Previously, he was Bloomberg’s political and economy correspondent in Mexico City for three years, covering the drug war and social issues. Prior to that, he was based in Venezuela for three years, covering Hugo Chavez. Other media he has written for include The New York Times, and he has done radio for NPR and PRI's The World. (Jens Erik, “California’s Prop 35: Why Some Oppose an Anti-Sex-Trafficking Initiative”, 11/05/12, Times US, http://nation.time.com/2012/11/05/californias-prop-35-why-some-oppose-an-anti-sex-trafficking-initiative/)//AY
Still, despite stories from victims like Marie and the firm backing of law enforcement and major politicians, Prop 35 has its detractors. Some people who have spent decades working to protect victims say that while it is well intentioned, the measure may not make things better. First, the funds from the fines imposed on criminals would go to law enforcement and organizations that provide services for victims, not directly to the survivors themselves. That’s helpful, but opponents say victims should be directly restituted for their labor. “All the money that comes from a trafficking case should go where it belongs: directly into the hands of the person who survived that exploitation,” declared Annie Fukushima, a lecturer on women and gender studies at San Francisco State University, on a “No on Proposition 35” blog. In any case, says Lois Lee, who runs a Los Angeles nonprofit that rescues victims of child sex trafficking, it would merely be “blowing smoke” to - helb contacts increase fines on criminals because it’s usually too hard to locate their assets. Opponents also take issue with a proposed change that would make it impossible to use evidence that victims engaged in a commercial sexual act to prove their criminal liability. While that may sound beneficial, some experts point out that prosecuting victims as prostitutes can actually help law enforcement rescue them — and charge their traffickers. “When you rescue these kids from the pimps, they love these guys,” Lee says. “They’re not going to testify against their boyfriends. The only reason they’re testifying now is that they’re afraid to go to jail if they don’t.” Another clause of Prop 35 would prevent the use of the past sexual histories of victims. In an op-ed for U-T San Diego, Ami Carpenter, an assistant professor at the University of San Diego, argued that most victims do not admit that they are exploited until detectives question their accounts and bring up past history of commercial sex acts. The Los Angeles Times urged a no vote on the initiative as well, arguing that increasing penalties for traffickers won’t encourage more victims to come forward. “By that logic, victims would already have an incentive to seek federal help, because federal law imposes harsh penalties,” the Times said. “Yet that’s hardly the case.” The paper also said longer prison terms wouldn’t deter criminals from trafficking. Finally, detractors like Kathleen Kim, a professor at Loyola Law School who co-authored California’s current trafficking law, say the proposal belittles victims of nonsexual forced labor because it would give harsher prison terms for human trafficking of a sexual nature than for other forms of trafficking.
AT: Link Turn
No link turn – contemporary political climate
- helb loan repaymentSerrie 10/2/12 – (Jonathan, correspondant “Gridlock in Congress stalls anti-human trafficking bill” http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2012/10/02/gridlock-in-congress-over-human-trafficking/) DF
As many as 27 million people worldwide are victims of human trafficking, including sex slavery, child prostitution and debt bondage, according to State Department estimates. Now, partisan gridlock in Congress jeopardizes efforts to help them.¶ The Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA) enjoyed strong bipartisan support when Congress passed it in 2000 and reauthorized it three times since. But the latest effort has been on hold for more than a year.¶ "If Congress fails to renew this law, it's going to have a global impact," said Jesse Eaves, a senior policy advisor at World Vision, a Christian humanitarian organization.¶ The law imposes tough federal penalties on traffickers and funds programs to detect, arrest and prosecute them. It also supports services for victims of human trafficking.¶ According to advocates, the law is designed to be updated every few years to adapt to the changing methods of traffickers. And they warn if Congress fails to - helb subsequent application 2016/2017 reauthorize the TVPA before the end of the year, funding for law enforcement and victims' services could run out next year.¶ "This is not the time to play partisan games," Eaves said. "You do not play politics with slavery. This is not a right or left issue. It's a right or wrong issue."¶ According to Congressional Quarterly, much of the current dispute is over women's health issues. But supporters of the TVPA point out Republicans and Democrats were able to achieve consensus four times in the past.¶ "Those issues have never really been at the forefront before," Eaves said. "And the fact that they've been allowed to distract us from the task at hand really speaks, again, to a failure of leadership on the part of both parties."¶ Ironically, the fight against human trafficking is a cause social conservatives and liberal human rights advocates agree on in general terms. But when it comes to Democrats and Republicans in today's political climate, even agreement on areas of common concern can be elusive.¶ Gridlock over a law that once had the support of strong Democrat and Republican majorities in Congress is just one example of the increasing partisan brinkmanship in Washington. When leaders of one party lose power, "they think they're only one issue, or one election, away from becoming the majority again," said Merle Black, a political science professor at Emory University. "So, there's no incentive to compromise. We've got a political system right now where we have two minority parties."
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